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| 1 |
ID:
113905
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper identifies major trends in China in 2011 and analyzes their implications. The past year has witnessed a continuous rise of anger among social groups, as demonstrated in various forms of social protests. Chinese intellectuals are becoming increasingly politically conscious and calling for political reform. However, the leadership is trapped in the politics of power succession; uncertainty is widespread.
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| 2 |
ID:
119103
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
For China, the year 2012 was politically significant with a once-a-decade power transfer taking place. However, the year was full of political scandals and rumors. From the top elite circles to the grassroots, Chinese feel increasingly anxious and frustrated. This paper examines what has gone wrong with China's elite politics, and how Chinese social groups have responded.
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| 3 |
ID:
076236
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| 4 |
ID:
076891
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2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In late February 2006, China surpassed Japan to become the world's largest holder of foreign exchange reserves. Beijing is now faced with the growing challenge of how to handle these vast reserves effectively. Although China's soaring foreign exchange reserves indicate that its overall strength has grown, they have created internal and external pressures on the balance of the economy, and introduced risks to the financial system. It is estimated in the present study that foreign exchange reserves of approximately US$ 400bn in 2005 would have been appropriate under circumstances of a managed floating exchange rate regime and capital control. China's actual reserves have far exceeded its normal demand. The objective of China is to maintain an optimal level that maximizes net benefits as a whole. Four main policy options are available for China to achieve its target: spending and investing foreign exchange reserves, gradual liberalization of the capital account, diversification of foreign exchange reserves and a switch in holders of foreign exchange reserves. Spending and investing in foreign exchange reserves can be undertaken in combination with liberalization in the capital account, given careful consideration of the risks involved. Liberalization should be extensive but gradual so that companies and individuals can adjust to changes in financial markets and manage portfolios while avoiding unnecessary risks.
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| 5 |
ID:
082641
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| 6 |
ID:
047594
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| Publication |
Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1999.
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| Description |
xvii, 189p.
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| Standard Number |
0521641802
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 043180 | 320.540951/ZHE 043180 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 7 |
ID:
112832
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The massive worldwide protests initiated by China's angry youths (Fen Qings) over biased reports on the Tibet issue in the West in 2008 and perceived unfriendly actions toward China's Beijing Olympic Games shocked the world. Although scholars and the media have shown great interest in China's Fen Qing phenomenon, there is no serious scholarly research. Based on interviews, investigative field trips, and an exhaustive web search, this paper explores the Fen Qing phenomenon. Through an analysis of three cases, namely, the anti-CNN Web, the Han Han phenomenon, and the '69 Holy War', it distinguishes three types of Fen Qings: nationalistic, China-critical, and resentment-venting. These Fen Qings vary in the people who constitute them, the causes of their anger, and their targets. The paper places the Fen Qing phenomenon in the broader context of China's socio-economic transformation and its relations with other countries.
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| 8 |
ID:
073457
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| 9 |
ID:
050652
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| Publication |
Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2004.
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| Description |
xviii, 267p.
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| Series |
Cambridge Asia-Pacific studies
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| Standard Number |
0521537509
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 047791 | 338.951/ZHE 047791 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 10 |
ID:
092075
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| Publication |
London, Routledge, 2010.
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| Description |
4 vol. set; xxiv, 455p.
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| Contents |
Vol. 1 - Policy-making and policy implementation
Vol. 2 - Political Economy
Vol. 3 - Political Sociology
Vol. 4 - Democratization
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| Standard Number |
9780415441531
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Copies: C:4/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 054552 | 320.951/ZHE 054552 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
| 054553 | 320.951/ZHE 054553 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
| 054554 | 320.951/ZHE 054554 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
| 054555 | 320.951/ZHE 054555 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 11 |
ID:
089980
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
China's non-intervention policy has long been criticized for prolonging the rule of many authoritarian regimes. Myanmar has become one of the classic examples. As China is expected to become a responsible great power, her behavioral patterns have aroused many concerns. This paper aims to re-interpret China's non-intervention policy. While explaining various constraints on China's capability to intervene in the Myanmar government, it shows how China is making efforts to seek a new intervention policy in dealing with countries like Myanmar. It argues that China's insistence on a non-intervention policy does not mean that China does not want to influence other countries such as Myanmar. To assess Chinese leverage and its non-intervention policy toward Myanmar as well as to supplement the current limited academic discussion on Sino-Myanmar relations, in this paper we first examine Chinese leverage in Myanmar through Burmese local politics, such as the power struggle between the central government and local rebel governments. Second, we disaggregate the Chinese interests in Myanmar into different levels (regional, geo-strategic and international) and discuss how these interests affect China's non-intervention policy. Third, we argue that China has indeed tried to intervene in Myanmar politics, but in a softer manner that contrasts with the traditional Western hard interventions, such as economic sanctions and military interference.
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| 12 |
ID:
144751
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State-owned enterprises’ unchecked resource exploitation and the Chinese state’s GDP-dominated mentality have played pivotal roles in causing and perpetuating social and environmental problems in the country’s resource-rich provinces. The authors propose a “resource curse theory with Chinese characteristics” to analyze the role of the state and the impacts of state-owned enterprises.
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| 13 |
ID:
083372
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| 14 |
ID:
100340
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| Publication |
2010.
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This paper examines China's transformation from different perspectives, including economic, social and political, and discusses how these transformations are linked to the country's open-door policy. The paper argues that the most powerful driving force behind China's rapid transformation is its openness. At the domestic level, openness creates an institutional environment in which different existing factors reorganize themselves, thus providing new dynamics for change. At the international level, openness links China and the world together, and the interplay between China and the world produces an external dynamism for China's internal changes. Openness, however, has led to social injustice. Society often becomes the weakest link in the process of globalization and opening up; therefore, it must be defended by all means and in all major policy areas.
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| 15 |
ID:
089396
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Drawing on the data collected from three surveys in China's Zhejiang province during the period from 1999 to 2006, this article attempts to examine women's political participation in village autonomy and village elections in China. The data show that while men and women have obtained a very similar level of self-awareness and motivation in terms of political participation, China's patriarchal system, embedded in various forms of mindset and political practice, continues to constrain rural women's political involvement in a substantial way. The gender gap remains and the proportion of rural women in local power structures is declining. The article explains both the similarities and differences between men and women in rural political participation, and identifies some major causes for the decline of women's share in grassroots leading positions. It shows that there is no causal linkage between economic development and the improvement of women's political participation, and that the lack of political and other systematic supports leads to the low proportion of women in local power structures.
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