| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
089752
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's retention of power means that Iran's nuclear ambitions are likely to continue. This article explores how and when Iran could achieve a nuclear weapons capability and what these scenarios might entail.
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| 2 |
ID:
072901
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| Publication |
2006.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The many indicators of military involvement in Iran's nuclear programme strongly suggest that Iran seeks more than just a latent nuclear-weapons capability, although not necessarily an all-out Manhattan Project-style effort. Depending on assumptions about technical variables, the earliest Iran might be able to produce enough highly enriched uranium for a nuclear weapon is assessed to fall between the end of 2008 and 2010, a range that might be said to be within the margin of error, given the unknowns about the pro gramme and the inspectors' sharply decreased access. This timetable provides room for diplomacy. There are strong arguments, with universal appeal, for opposing an Iranian nuclear-weapons capability.
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| 3 |
ID:
097144
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| 4 |
ID:
093419
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| 5 |
ID:
103520
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| 6 |
ID:
052428
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| Publication |
2004.
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| Description |
p89-107
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| Summary/Abstract |
Discussion of North Korea's nuclear programme and what to do about it has become ideological and emotionally charged. Convinced that good policy serving American and allied interests is unlikely to emerge from such a debate, Korea experts Victor Cha and David Kang decided to step back from the histrionics and engage in a reasoned, rational and logical exchange on the nature of the North Korean regime and the policy that should be followed by the United States, Japan, and South Korea. Their debate was published in book form as Nuclear North Korea: A Debate on Engagement Strategies (New York: Columbia University Press, 2003). Survival invited Cha and Kang to continue their debate in these pages.
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| 7 |
ID:
115953
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| 8 |
ID:
084955
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| 9 |
ID:
109847
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| 10 |
ID:
099473
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| 11 |
ID:
047647
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Phoenix Publishing House Pvt Ltd., 2000.
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| Description |
180p.
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| Standard Number |
8174840354
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 043665 | 333.7924/VAR 043665 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 12 |
ID:
103445
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| 13 |
ID:
133793
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Nuclear talks have yielded a framework that buys time for negotiation and reduces the risk of miscalculation on either side.
IT WAS LONG PAST MIDNIGHT IN GENEVA last November when the rumors began to fly. Iran and the world powers had just reached a deal on its nuclear program. An international crisis that had been building toward what seemed like war for more than a decade was now on the path to resolution. The deal, a haggard John Kerry confirmed, was real. It wasn't comprehensive-Iran would still be heavily sanctioned and heavily centrifuged-but it was unprecedented. All prior efforts had fallen apart.
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| 14 |
ID:
084943
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Iran's nuclear programme has brought ever-sharpening conflict with Israel, the United States, and the European Union. The Iranian public has been actively drawn into this debate, as the Iranian government cultivates support for its actions and by foreign appeals for change (including Bush administration support for regime change). This article explores data relating to public support for Iran's nuclear program. We utilize data from a nationally representative, face-to-face poll fielded in Iran in late 2006. The poll (n = 1,000) queried respondents about numerous domestic and external security concerns, including Iran's 'full nuclear fuel cycle' program. We present data on Iranian beliefs about Iran's nuclear program and the determinants of those beliefs. After discussing poll methodology and data integrity, the paper presents summary statistics on key variables about the nuclear program. We estimate three logit models to explain respondent beliefs about the program. The dependent variables address support for the program, the economic importance of the nuclear program, and beliefs that Iran will weaponize. Iranians' support for the program correlates with perceived status and deterrence benefits conferred by the program and opinions of the United States. Respondents' concerns about Israel do not drive support for the program. The paper concludes with a discussion of lessons learned from this study for future work of this type in Iran or other coercive environments.
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| 15 |
ID:
105661
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| 16 |
ID:
129782
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
North Korea's allergic reactions to US-South Korean military exercises continue to attract the world's attention and confusion. While Pyongyang condemns these regular drills as a veil for war preparations by Washington, the US and South Korea have for decades viewed them as essential for training, assurance and deterrence. Andrea Berger argues that, as a result, they have become a major thread in the complex web of security concerns and allied commitments that exist on the Korean Peninsula. Advances in the North Korean nuclear programme have made the situation surrounding joint exercises even more problematic, leaving a security dilemma that seems all but impossible to exit.
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| 17 |
ID:
112519
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| 18 |
ID:
126183
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| Publication |
2012-13.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Iran and the South China sea are top of the 2013 foreign policy agenda with rising tensions forcing them into the world spotlight.
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| 19 |
ID:
107309
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| 20 |
ID:
098279
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| Publication |
Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2009.
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| Description |
xii, 324p.
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| Standard Number |
9780195477160, hbk
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 055165 | 355.0217095/SAL 055165 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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