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| 1 |
ID:
131049
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Given the contemporary political situation and the interlocking concerns with effecting control over crime and terrorism, and the way in which intelligence-oriented logics are being proposed as a key component of the toolkit for such tasks [u]nderstanding the epistemological and ontological basis of intelligence work is an important undertaking. 1
Intelligence inquiry has previously been conducted mainly in the domain of national security, clandestine operations, and military activities. In the last two decades, intelligence has branched out in domains other than those traditionally and strictly related to national security, such as criminal intelligence within policing. The increased emphasis on intelligence and intelligence-led investigations is evident in existing policing strategies, especially when policing organized and serious crime. 2 An underlying assumption in this tendency is that intelligence contributes to the rationalization of crime control, and will enable informed decisions, ensure police efficiency, and meet the "need for an objective, decision-making framework.
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| 2 |
ID:
112436
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper identifies imaginings since the early 1990s to reposition Yunnan from a peripheral province in the PRC to the centre of various regional constructs which involve territories across the PRC's borders, primarily in what are now known as southeast and south Asia. These narratives, which change over time and between actors, are justified using Yunnan's past linkages with territories along the 'southern silk road' and through a naturalized presentation of its geographical location and characteristics, are based on the premise of good neighbourly relations, and are driven by imperatives of development. They find practical expression in provincial engagement with regional institutions, and in infrastructure and other programmes. However, the imaginings to reposition the province which these narratives spell out are at the same time constrained by the demands of territorial integrity and national security: a desire not to compromise Yunnan's national belonging. The paper concludes by commenting on implications for understanding 'China's borderlands' and their global interactions.
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| 3 |
ID:
188589
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Rupa Publications India Pvt Ltd, 2021.
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| Description |
xvi, 304p.hbk
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| Standard Number |
9789355200914
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 060268 | 355.033054/TEW 060268 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 4 |
ID:
109034
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| 5 |
ID:
113117
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| 6 |
ID:
151062
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| 7 |
ID:
170765
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| Summary/Abstract |
We live in a world in which a post-cold war order is still in the making, as the sole super power shares the global stage with multiple state actors of varying weights, jostling for space to assert their national aspirations.
In this complex environment, India’s foreign policy seeks to maximise India’s political and economic space to further its global ambitions. This includes sustaining the vibrant India-US strategic partnership, forged since the early 2000’s, even while preserving the traditionally strong relationship with Russia from the decades of the Cold War. A comprehensive partnership has also been developed with China, though recent differences have somewhat dimmed its intensity. India needs a combination of domestic capacity building and external partnerships to reconcile the contradictory pulls of strategic cooperation and competition with China. Relations with the US, Russia, Japan and Europe are also elements of this effort. India’s multilateral activism in G-20, BRICS and SCO serve to enhance its room for manoeuvre in the dynamics of the US, Russia, China triangle. India’s strategy in the India-Pacific seeks to promote bilateral, plurilateral and multilateral partnerships in search for a cooperative and sustainable architecture in the region that promotes objective of a multi-polar order.
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| 8 |
ID:
061027
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| 9 |
ID:
176942
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| 10 |
ID:
152414
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| Summary/Abstract |
We study the factors that influence citizen support for defense spending in fourteen democracies over the period 2004–2013. We pose two research questions. First, what factors influence citizen support for war and military force? We refer to this as the acceptability of war. Second, in addition to the acceptability of war, what other factors affect support for defense spending? Our principal finding is that citizen acceptance of war and support for defense spending are most influenced by basic beliefs and values. Gender also has a strong negative influence on attitudes toward war and thus indirectly lowers support for defense spending among women. Attitudes toward war and defense spending are also sometimes influenced by short-term threats and by alliance considerations, but the effects are not as substantively meaningful. We conclude with a summary of the results and a discussion of the implications for theory and policy.
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| 11 |
ID:
146595
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| Contents |
The fractured maritime mandate in India and the involvement of multiple agencies and ministries for matters maritime, make it complicated to achieve synergy. The UWR, Goa is a defence facility under the Ministry of Defence, the Ministry of Earth Science in mandated to provide R&D support for ocean related aspects, the we have the Ministry of Shipping and Ministry of Science and Technology as other players. It is known that there are close to 17 agencies and ministries of the Government of India involved in maritime issues. The huge resource and support required for UDA is possible only when all these agencies come together for a long term commitment to enhance our UDA in the IOR. A comprehensive Maritime Strategy formulation with clear focus on UDA is the only way forward to synergise the efforts of all the possible players involved. The Make in India initiative can be leveraged to contribute significantly to the Blue Economy with a clear maritime focus backed with an effective Maritime Strategy translating to enhanced Acoustic Capability in the future.
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| 12 |
ID:
178021
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The U.S. government increasingly outsources important national security responsibilities to defense contractors. In addition to manufacturing hardware and weapons, corporations now supply much of the specialized labor used by American defense and intelligence agencies to execute cyber operations, train foreign militaries, analyze top-secret information, and pilot unmanned aerial vehicles. This study examines the current state of affairs in the U.S. defense industry and demonstrates that publicly traded corporations are awarded the lion’s share of U.S. contracting dollars spent on national defense. Subsequently, the inquiry argues that publicly traded corporations possess a competitive advantage over privately held companies in the U.S. defense industry because of their superior ability to raise capital through initial public offerings, follow-on share sales, and access to debt supplied by financial institutions. In recent years, publicly traded defense contractors have used these financial strategies to make major acquisitions, increase their competitiveness, and consolidate market share in the American defense industry.
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| 13 |
ID:
175920
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Vivekananda International Foundation, 2021.
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| Description |
xxx, 321p.Hbk
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| Standard Number |
9788194820055
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 059929 | 337.541059/DAT 059929 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 14 |
ID:
065626
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| 15 |
ID:
127066
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
With the changing nature of warfare and the increasing awareness of the specific gender dimensions of war and peace, the international legal framework has been expanded to address the particular challenges faced by women in conflict and post-conflict contexts. This process culminated in 2000 with the first United Nations document to explicitly address the role and needs of women in peace processes: United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325 on women, peace and security. Thirteen years on, this article assesses the extent to which Australia's stated commitment to women, peace and security principles at the level of the international norm has translated into meaningful action on the ground in the Regional Assistance Mission to Solomon Islands (RAMSI). The analysis shows that despite it being an ideal context for a mission informed by UNSCR 1325, and Australia being strongly committed to the resolution's principles and implementation, the mission did not unfold in a manner that fulfilled Australia's obligations under UNSCR 1325. The RAMSI case highlights the difficulty in getting new security issues afforded adequate attention in the traditional security sphere, suggesting that while an overarching policy framework would be beneficial, it may not address all the challenges inherent in implementing resolutions such as UNSCR 1325
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| 16 |
ID:
101225
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| 17 |
ID:
119319
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| 18 |
ID:
075881
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| 19 |
ID:
093994
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| 20 |
ID:
079050
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