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| 1 |
ID:
075262
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| Publication |
2006.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article, excerpted and adapted from the early chapters of a new book, emphasizes the systematic preparations that laid the ground for the expulsion of more than 750,000 Palestinians from what became Israel in 1948. While sketching the context and diplomatic and political developments of the period, the article highlights in particular a multi-year "Village Files" project (1940-47) involving the systematic compilation of maps and intelligence for each Arab village and the elaboration-under the direction of an inner "caucus" of fewer than a dozen men led by David Ben-Gurion-of a series of military plans culminating in Plan Dalet, according to which the 1948 war was fought. The article ends with a statement of one of the author's underlying goals in writing the book: to make the case for a paradigm of ethnic cleansing to replace the paradigm of war as the basis for the scholarly research of, and the public debate about, 1948.
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| 2 |
ID:
079926
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2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
After the Second World War, Taiwan was returned to Chinese authority after 50 years of Japanese colonial rule. Only 18 months later, the local inhabitants of the island revolted against the new Chinese rulers of the KMT regime, demanding a greater degree of autonomy. After a brief period of feigned negotiations, this uprising was brutally suppressed by military reinforcements from the mainland. This 228 Incident of 1947 came to play a pivotal role in the struggle of the Taiwan independence movement. One of the major tasks of the movement was to create and propagate a distinct Taiwanese identity, which would legitimate the strife for an independent Taiwanese nation. In the course of the last 60 years, however, these attempts to create a Taiwanese "We" group distinct from China have not been static, but have had to be redefined and renegotiated according to a changing international and domestic environment. These alterations of group demarcation have necessitated reinterpretations of the 228 Incident, as a means of maintaining its legitimizing power for the Taiwan independence movement. As could be observed in the spectacular 228 hand-in-hand rally in 2004, redefinition and renegotiation are still unfolding to this day.
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| 3 |
ID:
078838
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2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper addresses a puzzle of how conflicts characterized by significant power asymmetries often play out much differently than dominant powers expect. We adapt the notions of institutionalized peace and riot systems from the literature on ethnic violence to identify ways in which social institutions attenuate collective action dilemmas, thereby increasing capability for a less-powerful group. Dominant groups often miscalculate the true nature of capability relationships by failing to account for these group-specific institutions that operate in the face of exogenous threats. We illustrate our model with two episodes of Chechen mobilization in the 1990s
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| 4 |
ID:
065646
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| Publication |
1998.
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| Description |
p.114-126
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| 5 |
ID:
178176
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| Summary/Abstract |
This study analyzes how peace processes in socio-political environments that do not support ‘confronting the past’ (CTP) initiatives are affected by the exclusion and delegitimization of alternative narratives different from dominant ones concerning the nature and history of ethnic conflicts, focusing on Turkey’s failed peace process as a case study. It pays specific attention to the resistance against acknowledging alternatives to dominant narratives by considering the role played by bystanders and antagonistic citizens, who are not directly part of the conflict but nonetheless support it by remaining passive or directly/indirectly supporting dominant narratives. Driven by agonistic peace theory, the article shows how failing to turn these groups into agonistic citizens through some form of agonistic CTP initiative and allowing a space for alternative narratives can result in the fragility of efforts towards a transition to peace.
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| 6 |
ID:
077537
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2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper proposes a standard for evaluation of possible solutions to communal conflicts, including partition, based on protection of human life. A partition should be judged successful only if it costs fewer lives than the expected loss of life under any alternative. Solutions to communal conflicts should also be stable over long periods, eliminating or drastically reducing fears of people in the affected communities that they could become victims of renewed violence. An assessment of the 1974 partition of Cyprus is presented, which finds that its net impact on human life remains uncertain-principally because the partition occurred so quickly after the July 1974 coup by Greek Cypriot ultra-nationalists that was the main source of fear of very large-scale ethnic cleansing that we cannot know what the new government might have done. What we can confidently say is that, absent partition, deadly communal violence in Cyprus would have continued to recur and that there are grounds, including the behavior of the July coup regime, for guessing that the ultimate cost would more likely have been higher rather than lower than that of partition. Partition has also enforced peace on Cyprus for 32 years, which may have contributed to the improved climate, compared with 30 or 10 years ago, for eventual reunification
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| 7 |
ID:
185759
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| Summary/Abstract |
The civil war that erupted in November 2020 in Ethiopia was a culmination of several overlapping, long-running conflicts. The main conflict involves the nature of the Ethiopian state: whether it should be a unified structure reflecting a singular national identity, or a multiethnic federal system preserving autonomy for regional states. The discrete conflicts involve tensions between the central state and the regional states of Tigray and Oromo; territorial disputes between different ethnic groups; and an old rivalry between the regime of neighboring Eritrea and the ruling party in Tigray. The complex layers of the war make peace all the more elusive.
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| 8 |
ID:
082384
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| 9 |
ID:
078779
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| Publication |
2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the predicaments and paradoxes of identity politics in Cyprus. It looks at the historical alliance of colonial practices and nationalist rationales that brought about a static bicommunal system, establishing the basis for inter-ethnic conflict, or what became known as the `Cyprus problem'. The advent of modern governmentality, dividing and classifying the Cypriot population, helped, in addition, to solidify fluid and ambiguous ethno-religious boundaries, making it more difficult for individuals to use ethno-religious identities flexibly and pragmatically, including their use as a tactic to resist the policies of consecutive regimes of power. The article suggests that the 'Cyprus problem' provides a moral alibi for the pursuit of a range of problematic regulations and practices against individuals caught between the dominant ethnic identities, even though there also exist windows of opportunity and resistance on the ground. The article focuses on the genealogy and presence of hybrid communities and syncretistic lifestyles, which complicate and transgress the binary of Greek/Christian versus Turk/Muslim, and the existence of which became progressively abnormalized or exoticized
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| 10 |
ID:
082075
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2008.
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Staffan I. Lindberg and Minion K. C. Morrison look at voting rationales in Ghana's 1996 and 2000 elections and find that citizens in a new democracy like Ghana are more "mature" democratic voters than the literature would have us to expect. While voting is no doubt patterned along ethnic and tribal lines, it appears that voting behavior is also explained at the individual level by rational policy calculations constrained by classic information problems
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| 11 |
ID:
054958
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| 12 |
ID:
078062
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| 13 |
ID:
061494
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| Publication |
Jan-Mar 2005.
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| 14 |
ID:
077441
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| Publication |
2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The theory and practice of third-party intervention continue to develop in constructive directions and increasingly acknowledge the utility of unofficial methods directed more toward the subjective and relational aspects of international conflict. A previously developed contingency model of third-party intervention articulates the potential complementarity of these unofficial approaches (e.g. problem-solving workshops) with more traditional, official methods (e.g. power mediation) in pursuit of resolution. A comparative analysis of five cases of successful unofficial intervention in ethno-political conflicts identifies important contributions to the peace process. Descriptions of the interventions are followed by an identification of the transfer mechanisms and effects that carried the fruits of the unofficial interactions into the official domain. Each case is then reflected on the contingency model by identifying the stage of conflict escalation and the initiation, sequencing, and complementarity of interventions. The analysis provides some support for the validity of the model, although variations in the patterns of intervention indicate that strict applications of the model may be untenable. The model is thus seen as an idealized representation of a complex reality, but one that identifies some of the necessary interplay between official and unofficial interventions in order to effectively address intractable ethno-political conflicts.
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| 15 |
ID:
090419
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Following the five days' war between Georgia and Russia, a highly politicized debate began about 'who started the war'. While this debate is far from over, it is important to analyse whether the 2008 war marks an important evolution in the series of conflicts that started in the Caucasus simultaneously with the weakening and collapse of the Soviet Union. While in the late 1980s and early 1990s the conflicts were the result of mass mobilization around the banner of the nation, marking a revolutionary period of paradigm shifts, the 2008 war was much closer to classical wars between states and their centrally commanded armies. The direct Russian military intervention, Moscow's recognition of Abkhazia and South Ossetia as 'independent' states, further modifies the nature of the Caucasus conflicts. The 2008 war also reveals how much the Georgian state has evolved since the Rose Revolution, from one described as 'weak state' to a state capable of surviving a military defeat without internal collapse.
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| 16 |
ID:
021107
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| Publication |
Winter 2001.
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| Description |
113-141
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| 17 |
ID:
021348
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| Publication |
Jan 2002.
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| Description |
245-276
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| 18 |
ID:
100032
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| 19 |
ID:
055298
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| 20 |
ID:
066214
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