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| 1 |
ID:
114537
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| Publication |
Santa Barbara, Praeger, 2011.
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| Description |
xii, 274p.Hbk
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| Standard Number |
9780313392368
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 056795 | 363.32593337/LIK 056795 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 2 |
ID:
129485
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the centrality of political activism in the identity of Iranian refugees and investigates how they perform and incorporate it by considering the interlocked pressure of international politics, personal networks, and the assistance provided by civil society organizations. The case of Iranian political refugees in Italy and Turkey is of particular interest because of the international visibility of the Green movement, the Iranian people's historical experience of emigration, and the fact that Iran is a subject of great interest for a number of human rights nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). It shows how the process of "being a refugee" works not only through classical forms of institutional pressure but also through "unexpected" forms such as NGO efforts to empower refugees politically. Despite the positive value attached to it, in this context political activism can force refugees into preestablished roles, such as "human rights defenders" or "Green movement activists." Paradoxically, refugees act within a context that dominates them even when it tries to empower them.
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| 3 |
ID:
184419
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| Summary/Abstract |
Most analyses of nonviolent movements downplay the role that national identity may play in their success or failure. Our study aims to bridge the gap between those who focus on structure and those who focus on agency by comparing national identity in Iran’s Islamic revolution with the Green Wave. We argue that the Shah’s attempts to create a secularized Persian-based national identity ran afoul of deep-seated cultural connections to Islam: which were successfully harnessed by Ayatollah Khomeini and his followers to bridge the gap between themselves and regime insiders. By contrast, members of the Green Wave were unable to build a shared sense of national identity with advocates of the system. This difference was, in part, responsible for the success of the former movement and the failure of the latter, hopefully leading to a reassessment of the need to contest a viable national identity in any nonviolent campaign. However, while identity may be necessary for a successful campaign, it is clearly not sufficient.
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| 4 |
ID:
049537
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| Publication |
Hampshire, macmillan Press, 2000.
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| Description |
xv, 219p.
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| Standard Number |
0333739418
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 043709 | 324.218/RAD 043709 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 5 |
ID:
053616
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| Publication |
Cambridge, The MIT Press, 2004.
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| Description |
xiii, 331p.
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| Standard Number |
0262550563
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 048597 | 320.58/ECK 048597 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 6 |
ID:
093213
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| 7 |
ID:
171870
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| Summary/Abstract |
The widespread protests of November 2019 may be marked as the bloodiest recent chapter of the Islamic Republic of Iran's history in terms of popular dissent. The two major protests in December 2017 and November 2019, followed by the public reaction to the shooting down of the Ukrainian International Airlines Flight 752 by the IRGC over Tehran after the US killing of General Soleimani, suggest that the prevailing dynamics of political protest in Iran are changing. There is an increasing sense of radicalisation among protesters, while the state is prepared to resort to extreme violence to maintain control. The geography of political protest has changed. The declining economic situation has had a profound impact on the more vulnerable segments of the society who are now increasingly playing a more proactive role in challenging the state. The methods of protest have been evolving over the last four decades, especially in the cultural arena. Last but not least, the willingness of the protesters both to endure and inflict violence is precipitously transforming state-society relations beyond recognition.
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| 8 |
ID:
146889
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| Summary/Abstract |
In the last five years China has passed new regulations and formulated new policies to target urban smog. Accordingly, several cities have sought to improve their public transportation systems to reduce the number of motor vehicles on the streets. In 2011 in Nanjing, during the construction of Line No. 3 of the subway system, several long-standing London plane trees in the city’s historical area were targeted for transplantation. This article focuses on the tree-hugging protest which was triggered by this event in 2011–12. While protesters framed their actions as tree protection and heritage conservation, this article is particularly interested in participatory approaches available to protesters, in light of certain recent developments in the environmental regulatory framework in China. Specifically, this article analyses a relatively new and less well-known tool for popular participation known as ‘green assessment’.
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