| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
122933
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2013.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
In contrast with China's coastal regions, where rural urbanisation has largely been a result of industrialisation, urbanisation in the once predominantly rural towns of the interior is sometimes driven by local government policies. This article focuses on a case study of Zhongdian (Shangri-la), where urbanisation has mainly been driven by tourism. It shows that while the problem of land seizures has been generally less violent in this sparsely populated area of the interior, the urbanisation of this ethnically diverse area of northern Yunnan has generated a distinct set of problems. While local officials have strong incentives to pursue policies that promote urbanisation, they have few incentives to pursue policies that promote equal access to the new economic opportunities that accompany urbanisation.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 2 |
ID:
097816
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2010.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Using Diqing Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture as a case study, this article argues that local governance and local policies have had a major impact on local Tibetan economies and societies in China. It argues that a combination of liberal social policies and smart economic policies have helped Diqing to achieve both growth and stability in recent years. While each Tibetan region in China represents a unique blend of social, cultural, economic, geographic and historical circumstances, the author argues that Diqing's experience nevertheless yields important lessons for other Tibetan areas and for policymakers in Beijing.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 3 |
ID:
109068
|
|
|
| 4 |
ID:
114685
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2012.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Since Indonesia's return to multiparty democracy in 1999, national law makers have introduced regulations that effectively ban ethnic or regionally based political parties. A major exception to the rule can be found in the province of Aceh where ethnic separatists were granted the right to form their own political party to contest local elections in return for giving up their armed struggle for independence. In legislative elections held in 2009 the party of the former rebels - the Aceh Party - won a landslide victory. Drawing on in-depth interviews with national party leaders and parliamentarians, this article examines the implications of the rise of the Aceh Party for Indonesia's political party system and the potential for ethnic-based parties to resolve ethnic conflict and secessionism in other parts of Indonesia, including in Papua where the failure of special autonomy arrangements has led to increased militancy among indigenous Papuans.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 5 |
ID:
097446
|
|
|
| 6 |
ID:
180528
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
In his first term (2012–2017), Xi Jinping’s signature domestic policy was an anti-corruption campaign that targeted political enemies and venality in public office. The anti-corruption work has continued in his second term while being superseded in domestic political importance by a campaign to “Sweep Away Black and Eliminate Evil (2018–2020).” On the surface, the campaign to Sweep Away Black and Eliminate Evil is an anti-crime campaign that focuses on the “black and evil forces” of organized crime and their official protectors, but its scope extends well beyond the ganglands to target a wide range of social and political threats to the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Drawing on interviews with government officials, police and citizens as well as analysis of policy documents, this paper argues that the campaign is a populist initiative designed to bolster CCP legitimacy and serve as a mechanism of social control. Like the Chongqing prototype that inspired it, however, the campaign harbors a dark side that could undermine the contemporary Chinese social contract in which people are willing to sacrifice personal freedoms in exchange for security and material benefits.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 7 |
ID:
067171
|
|
|
| 8 |
ID:
050089
|
|
|