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| 1 |
ID:
040288
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| Publication |
London, W H Allen, 1976.
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| Description |
x, 947p.
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| Standard Number |
0491016360
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 015678 | 355.3432/BRO 015678 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 2 |
ID:
182843
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| Summary/Abstract |
Over the course of the first two decades of the twenty-first century, within the occupied Palestinian territories, photographic technologies and image-oriented politics would grow increasingly central as activist and human-rights tools of bearing witness to Israeli state and settler violence. This essay investigates the Israeli right-wing and international Zionist response to these Palestinian visual archives and their perceived threat. In particular, it tracks the rise and normalization of a repudiation script that impugned the veracity of these images, arguing that they were fraudulent or manipulated to produce a damning portrait of Israel. Drawing on post-colonial and settler-colonial studies, as placed into dialogue with digital media studies, the essay focuses on three cases studies of repudiation (2000, 2008, 2014, respectively) to consider how the long colonial history of repudiation in the Israeli context would be progressively updated by right-wing Israelis and their international supporters to meet the challenges posed by the smartphone age. By the second decade of the twenty-first century, the script had become an increasingly standard Zionist response to viral images of Palestinian death or injury at Israeli state or settler hands. Repudiation was thus marshaled as a solution to the viral visibility of Israeli state violence by bringing the otherwise damning images back into line with dominant Israeli ideology, a process of shifting the narrative from Palestinian injury to Israeli victimhood. The story of the “false” image of Palestinian injury endeavors strips the visual field of its Israeli perpetrators and Palestinian victims, thereby exonerating the state. Or such is the nature of this digital fantasy in the Israeli colonial present.
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| 3 |
ID:
177574
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This article examines the coalescence of the main anti-Zionist ideologies: Left, Jewish, Christian, Arab/Muslim and Conspiracy anti-Zionism. After a definition of anti-Zionism, its relationship to antisemitism and an overview of the historical origin of the coalescence drive, the article shows the extent of the synergy between representatives of the main anti-Zionist ideologies. It concludes that the accusation of a global conspiracy ascribed by antisemites to Zionism and Judaism can be turned on its head: it is in fact a feature of anti-Zionist ideologies that are otherwise in existential struggle with each other.
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| 4 |
ID:
159784
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Conspiracies play a significant role in world politics. States often engage in covert operations. They plot in secret, with and against each other. At the same time, conspiracies are often associated with irrational thinking and delusion. We address this puzzle and highlight the need to see conspiracies as more than just empirical phenomena. We argue that claims about conspiracies should be seen as narratives that are intrinsically linked to power relations and the production of foreign policy knowledge. We illustrate the links between conspiracies, legitimacy and power by examining multiple conspiracies associated with 9/11 and the War on Terror. Two trends are visible. On the one hand, US officials identified a range of conspiracies and presented them as legitimate and rational, even though some, such as the alleged covert development of weapons of mass destruction in Iraq, are now widely considered false. On the other hand, conspiracies circulating in the Arab-Muslim world were dismissed as irrational and pathological, even though some, like those concerned with the covert operation of US power in the Middle East, were based on credible concerns.
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| 5 |
ID:
182996
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| Summary/Abstract |
While most observers classified the demonstrators called to Washington by President Trump as denizens of the far right, a closer examination of those arrested for entering the Capitol reveal a strikingly diverse group. Only a small percentage fit the description of members of the radical right. Rather, the most common thread was fealty to the President forged through adherence to QAnon and other conspiratorial beliefs.
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| 6 |
ID:
147472
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| Publication |
Noida, Turning Point Publishers, 2016.
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| Description |
xxii, 296p.Pbk
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| Standard Number |
9789352671175
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 058788 | 809.3/KHA 058788 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 7 |
ID:
110998
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| 8 |
ID:
034865
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| Publication |
London, Longman Group Limited, 1970.
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| Description |
256p.Hbk
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| Contents |
Includes Index.
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| Standard Number |
582108047
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 006074 | 923.146/LIO 006074 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 9 |
ID:
171280
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| Summary/Abstract |
Accusations of conspiracy are nothing new in American politics, but examples in which the government—usually cast as a key player in conspiracy theories—goes on record to corroborate that a conspiracy occurred are rare. I leveraged an experiment that randomly exposes both college-student and general-public subject pools to information about the 1979 House Select Committee on Assassination report of a probable conspiracy in the assassination of President John F. Kennedy. I find that those exposed to government corroboration of a conspiracy (1) are more prone to anger in response to the government report; (2) engage in an increased search of available media information about the assassination; and (3) are more likely to agree with the conclusion of a conspiracy in Kennedy’s murder. Implications for additional research about government pronouncements on controversial issues and follow-on public reaction also are discussed.
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| 10 |
ID:
030299
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| Publication |
London, Constable, 1967.
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| Description |
205p.hbk
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 000132 | 962.05/NUT 000132 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 11 |
ID:
131434
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The recent crop of books on the origins of the First World War dispenses with the notion of inevitability in the outbreak of war, and stresses the maturity of European civilization in 1914. They are in danger of prioritizing urban life over rural, civilization and culture over backwardness and superstition. They also say less than they might about the enduring place of war in international relations. The stress on contingency is to be welcomed for getting history away from the determinism of long-term trends, and for reopening the uncertainty of the outcomes still open to the Great Powers in 1914. However, the overall effect is cyclical. The prevailing wisdom on the reasons for war has reverted to the argument that 'Europe slithered over the brink', which dominated from the 1930s until the publications of Fritz Fischer in the 1960s. This does not mean that 'Fischerism', with its belief in German war guilt, is extinct. The challenge which now confronts historians, as they approach a four-year centenary, is to break this circularity and to explore new paths.
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| 12 |
ID:
091235
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2009.
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Over tha last five years, cases of ethnic Chinese and Aemricans charged and/or convicted for having transmitted, or conspired to transmit, sensitive technologies, proprietary information, or government information to the People's Republic of China (China) have made headlines on a regular basis in the United States. This is no coincidence. PRC intelligence activities against the U.S. are judged by government officials and experts to be very aggressive, and at a level matching that the Cold War.
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| 13 |
ID:
147205
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This paper takes the ‘Silk Letters Conspiracy’, a complex, transnational scheme uncovered by British colonial officials in 1916, as the starting point for a discussion on the writing of revolutionary histories in post-colonial India. It considers the generally vexed position of Muslims in histories of early twentieth-century anti-colonialism and the lengths to which some scholars, particularly those associated with the Deoband seminary in northern India, have gone in response in order to create a counter-narrative of Muslim revolutionary anti-colonialism that was fully in keeping with the broader nationalist struggle. Later, the paper speculates on whether other historical lives, such as that of Abul Kalam Azad, one of the most high-profile Muslims in the leadership of the Indian National Congress in the 1940s and 1950s, could also be so re-inscribed and made part of the revolutionary script of the 1910s, and to what end this might be done. Throughout, this article meditates on the problematic nature of testimony, memory and the colonial archive.
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| 14 |
ID:
026837
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| Publication |
Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1977.
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| Description |
142p.Hbk
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| Standard Number |
0192156721
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 017329 | 923.16891/SIT 017329 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 15 |
ID:
047808
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| Publication |
London, George Allen and unwin Ltd, 1972.
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| Description |
xiii, 306p.hbk
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| Standard Number |
0043200826
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 010000 | 947.0842/TUC 010000 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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