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| 1 |
ID:
148966
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| Summary/Abstract |
Civil–military relations, a subject of enduring concern in the US and a matter of intense debate during the presidential administration of Bill Clinton, have receded in the public mind to a matter of little immediate concern. As such, it is important to determine what tomorrow’s senior military leaders are thinking in this regard. Gregory Foster analyses the views expressed by a number of these future leaders enrolled in a course on civil–military relations at the National Defense University in Washington, DC, providing an insight into the minds of those who will lead tomorrow’s US military.
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| 2 |
ID:
174061
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper surveys conceptual trends in organizing tests for the RF Airspace Reconnaissance and Control System (ASRCS) on the basis of comprehensive solution to the problem of improving the quality of its characteristics assessment.
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| 3 |
ID:
186337
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“Ending impunity” is often heralded as the key mechanism for stopping rape in war. Yet, little systematic evidence or analyses exist of the relationship between impunity (or lack thereof) and sexual violence. We argue that amnesties signal impunity and permissiveness for sexual violence, which can perpetuate and instigate more sexual violence by rebels. Trials, on the other hand, signal a nonzero probability of punishment, which could have a deterrent effect. Studying all intrastate armed conflicts in the period 1989–2011, we find in line with the impunity signal that amnesties are associated with sexual violence by rebels, but we are not able to demonstrate a deterrent effect of trials. While the study prevents us from conclusively saying that ending impunity would be an effective policy tool to stop sexual violence in war, the association between amnesties and subsequent sexual violence is a testament to the perils of impunity.
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| 4 |
ID:
149632
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| Summary/Abstract |
The quest for a permanent global court to try perpetrators of the world’s worst crimes began as early as 1872. But it was only in 2002 that the International Criminal Court, a standing tribunal now backed by 124 states, finally came into being. Ten years later, in 2012, Fatou Bensouda was sworn in [1] as the ICC’s second chief prosecutor. A former deputy prosecutor at the court, Bensouda had also served as minister of justice in her home country of Gambia and worked at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda. In November, she spoke with Foreign Affairs’ deputy managing editor Stuart Reid in New York.
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| 5 |
ID:
101668
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| 6 |
ID:
105868
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
One of the surprising things about the resurgence of piracy in the Gulf of Aden is that there is not yet a clear standard of conduct when suspected pirates are eventually caught. There are many cases in which pirates have been released by the military navies that arrested them and other cases of excessive use of force. This article addresses the possibility of providing a fair trial to suspected pirates, also on the ground of new developments in establishing dedicated courts in states of the region. Judging suspected pirates presents a variety of problems associated to evidence collection, availability of witnesses and national laws to be applied. In spite of these difficulties, Western powers, which have invested so much in patrolling the Indian Ocean with their navies, have so far been unexpectedly reluctant to provide fair trials.
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