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| 1 |
ID:
071146
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| 2 |
ID:
053646
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| 3 |
ID:
058000
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| 4 |
ID:
075057
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| Publication |
2006.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article considers recent developments in Australia-Japan security and defence ties and their trilateral dimension with the United States. I argue that the security links bilaterally and through their main ally the US have scope for development while the three nations share perceptions of security and strategic matters. However, there are elements of inherent unpredictability that may come into play to hinder the move towards a further strengthening of the current trilateral security arrangement. Possible impediments come from both external and internal sources making it difficult for the three nations to transform their trilateral security relations into an institution, alliance or treaty that formally links the three partners strategically.
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| 5 |
ID:
049768
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| Publication |
New York, Palgrave, 2000.
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| Description |
xix, 316p.
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| Standard Number |
0312227078
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 043987 | 327.52/TAK 043987 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 6 |
ID:
048595
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| Publication |
Melbourne, Macmillan Education Australia PTY Ltd., 1997.
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| Description |
vii, 248p.
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| Standard Number |
0732944376
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 040045 | 320.952/JAI 040045 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 7 |
ID:
098439
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Despite the absence of ill-will between Japan and India for most of the period since the end of World War II, bilateral relations have not reached their full potential in any field-political, economic or socio-cultural. This article identifies peaks and troughs across the six decades of post-war relations, first in the early post-war period and again in the mid-1980s. More recently, the nadir following India's nuclear testing in 1998 was followed by significantly improved relations in the early 2000s, with the relationship reaching its post-war best in most areas when Abe Shinzo (2006-07) was Japan's prime minister. This article considers both domestic and external factors that have caused these peaks and troughs. The final section considers the near future of the bilateral relationship as a new government led by the Democratic Party of Japan came to power in September 2009, replacing the long-term political monopoly of the Liberal Democratic Party.
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| 8 |
ID:
143632
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| Summary/Abstract |
Domestic and international contests explain the transformation of Japan's foreign aid programme begun in the early 1950s. Through contests between domestic players, Japan has streamlined its aid processes by introducing institutional innovations, accommodating new actors in aid policy and delivery, and responding more sensitively to public opinion and independent advice. At the international level, contests have come from the Development Assistance Committee/Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development (DAC/OECD), the USA, and China. Through these contests, Japan has emerged as a more rounded aid donor. Its new aid model blends Western principles with concepts of ‘self-help’, favouring large infrastructure projects that serve both Japan's and recipient countries’ interests.
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| 9 |
ID:
066810
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| Publication |
London, Routledge, 2005.
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| Description |
xv, 220p.
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| Series |
Sheffield Centre for Japanese studies/ Routledge series
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| Standard Number |
0415333679
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 050422 | 327.52/JAI 050422 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 10 |
ID:
050271
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| 11 |
ID:
098376
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article offers historical insights into the political philosophy, electoral strategies and commitment to 'change' politics of Kan Naoto, who in June 2010 became leader of the Democratic Party of Japan and the nation's new prime minister. The preface introduces an unpublished paper that the author wrote immediately after Kan's first electoral success in 1980, not long after the author's extensive personal interviews with the then budding political aspirant. That paper, which follows, reveals how Kan's entry into the national political system he now leads is quite atypical of Japanese politicians generally and certainly of most of his predecessor prime ministers who were supported by a powerful mix of wealth and connections, often through inheritance. Instead Kan is a 'self-made' politician, the first to reach national leadership initially through participatory democracy: electoral organizations based on citizen movements and grassroots involvement in national politics. The epilogue that follows considers the possible consequences of this style of political advancement for how Kan operates as leader of his party, the national political system, and the Japanese nation.
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| 12 |
ID:
081267
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Having maintained a low-key relationship since early postwar, Japan today shows increasing interest in India as a rising economic and regional power. The two nations are now developing ties in many areas consequent with India's ascent, most importantly in politico-strategic matters. This strategic development is intriguing as Tokyo was one of the most critical voices condemning New Delhi's decision to conduct nuclear testing in 1998, when the relationship reached its nadir. So why this strategic repositioning and why now? This article explores Japan's move towards India as an attempt to balance and bandwagon strategically. Japan's strategic thinking now recognises India as potential balance for Japan against China while Japan bandwagons with the United States in response to both India and China as rising Asian powers.
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