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| 1 |
ID:
173171
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper studies the representations of Africans and African cultures in Hong Kong media and the political, social, and cultural significance in shaping the socioeconomic wellbeing of Africans in the city. With the rising population of Africans in Hong Kong and the evolving nature of Africa-China relations, Africa and its cultures have become more prominent across Hong Kong’s media. Representations of the African continent in Chinese medium newspapers in the city help define the local understanding of African peoples and cultures. By analysing the construction of “African-ness” in these representations, this article shows that African cultures are constantly portrayed in relation to those of Hong Kong. It is by studying the absences and presences of “African-ness” that it can be shown that Africa is often narrated as the subordinate of the local. Significantly, this hierarchical system not only predetermines but also crystalizes the local understanding of Africa.
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| 2 |
ID:
054471
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| 3 |
ID:
129967
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article expands the research on abnormalisation and the construction of social deviance of minorities. It focuses on the relationships between state practices, policies and expert knowledge addressing the Roma in Italy; it does so by first contextualising recent ethnographic findings on Turin authorities' social inclusion practices addressing Roma within the history of national and regional policies for Roma; it then contextualises those policies within the history of expert knowledge about Roma. Unlike what other studies on abnormalisation suggest, we argue that the abnormalisation of Roma in Italy is not primarily predicated upon the idea that they are at present unfit to follow the norms of the majority; rather, it stays upon a historically rooted representation of Roma oscillating between the poles of potential re-educability and potential dangerousness. In the conclusion we encourage further comparative research on abnormalisation, especially including practices and knowledge addressing other European minorities such as the Jews.
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| 4 |
ID:
046146
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| Publication |
Maryland, Lexington Books, 2002.
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| Description |
xvii, 765p.
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| Standard Number |
0739104578
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
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| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 046602 | 305.8/DEU 046602 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 5 |
ID:
000691
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| Publication |
London, Macmillan, 1999.
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| Description |
x,222p.
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| Standard Number |
0333763076
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 042107 | 306/YOU 042107 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 6 |
ID:
066183
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| 7 |
ID:
097215
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article 'thinks with' an Afro-Brazilian mobilisation of ancestralidade (ancestrality) as a means to explore, unmask and mark the centrality of 'race' in development. In contrast to thinking about race as cultural difference necessitating inclusion in development, thinking with Afro-Brazilian knowledge aims to rework the very category of development. 'Thinking with' engages critical knowledge emerging out of Afro-Brazilian struggles to forward a theory and practice of substantive political, institutional and social transformation. The article juxtaposes the culturalisms of national ideology and multicultural development policies with ancestralidade as a dynamic political practice that contests capitalism's racialised hierarchies while embodying another sociality of development. An analysis of one cultural centre's efforts to restructure the school curriculum demonstrates that the 'past' of racialised capitalism and ancestral memory are each contemporary projects which evince the relational formation and contested meaning of 'race' in development.
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| 8 |
ID:
109760
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| 9 |
ID:
127847
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This introductory article discusses the diversification of diversity in Europe. It then looks at the tension between ethnic separation and ethnic mixing in urban Europe in general terms. The next section elaborates on a similar tension in the field of popular arts. Finally, the article presents the main insights of the contributions to the special issue.
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| 10 |
ID:
075390
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2006.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The dominant discourse in accommodating the ethnic Chinese in Indonesia during Suharto's regime was one of assimilation, which forcefully aimed to absorb this minority into the national body. However, continuous official discrimination towards the Chinese placed them in a paradoxical position that made them an easy target of racial and class hostility. The May 1998 anti-Chinese riots proved the failure of the assmilationist policy. The process of democratization has given rise to a proliferation of identity politics in post-Suharto Indonesia. The policy of multiculturalism has been endorsed by Indonesia's current power holders as a preferred approach to rebuilding the nation, consistent with the national motto: 'Unity in Diversity'. This paper critically considers the politics of multiculturalism and its efficacy in managing cultural diversity and differences. It deploys the concept of hybridity to describe as well as analyze the complex identity politics of the ethnic Chinese in contemporary Indonesia.
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| 11 |
ID:
153601
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Will Kymlicka's theories of multiculturalism have gained wide interest in the West but only recently have been applied beyond it. This research note assesses whether a Kymlickian approach provides traction for grasping the configuration of nondominant ethnic groupings in Japan and how they have achieved a degree of multicultural recognition. It first identifies equivalents and exceptions within the Japanese case to Kymlicka's key groupings: national minorities, indigenous peoples, immigrants, and metics. It then shows that of these, the last two drove the expansion of multicultural rights. Finally, it examines why they launched claims within a multicultural framework and assess the limits of the multicultural claims for bolstering the rights of subordinate groups.
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| 12 |
ID:
093968
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| 13 |
ID:
051444
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| 14 |
ID:
116678
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Despite the significant level of cultural diversity that exists in contemporary Europe as a consequence of immigration and diaspora, state policies on multiculturalism in several countries have not kept pace with the complex and dynamic processes created by these pluralising social forces and realities. This has given rise to exclusionary contexts that have led to feelings of alienation by immigrant communities. In Britain, the violent street confrontations in Bradford in 2001 and the London bombings of 2005 both epitomised, as well as were outcomes of, the British nation state's failure to foster dialogue and a sense of inclusion among these communities. Foregrounding the extent of the grievances and frustrations prevalent in British society, these social disturbances have also contributed to renewed debates on issues of national identity, belonging, and multiculturalism. More importantly, these clashes, involving mostly the second-generation British Asian Muslim community, have brought to the fore the dissonance between assumptions of belonging underlying "state multiculturalism", which moves to fix and stabilise identities, and those that inform the complex processes of identification and constructions of the "third space" of belonging by racialised minority communities. Focusing on Britain, this paper's central hypothesis is that official multiculturalism has failed to take into account the fluid and heterogeneous frames in and through which second-generation British Asians ground their cultural and political identities and demands. As many of the nation states in Europe are today, like Britain, multiethnic in composition with expanding Asian communities, how successfully or not Britain modifies its integration policies with respect to the presence of minorities of immigrant origin has enormous implications not only for Europe but also for Asia and Asia-Europe relations.
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| 15 |
ID:
092378
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The 7/7 London suicide bombings of July 2005 and numerous subsequent Islamist terror plots have highlighted the reality of an 'internal' threat to Britain. One governmental response has been the 'Preventing Violent Extremism' (PVE) programme. Whilst the educational aspect of its focus on Muslim young people is to be welcomed, there are serious concerns as to whether PVE policy, as currently designed, is falling between two stools. To date, the programme focuses exclusively on Muslim communities in flat contradiction to the integration policy priority of community cohesion, so risking further defensiveness from Muslim communities and resentment from white working class communities. Whilst ignoring the right-wing extremism growing in some of those white communities, PVE work with young people is actually failing to engage openly and robustly with the real political issues driving Muslim anger and minority extremist support. The confidence, understanding and skills of educational practitioners are vital here.
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| 16 |
ID:
138822
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article argues that constructivist literature on norm diffusion could benefit from using a multilevel governance perspective. The case study is a retreat from the multicultural approach to governing state-minority relations in liberal democratic states, focusing on Canada and the Netherlands. It argues that, although actors at the national level may be retreating from the norms underlying this multicultural approach, this is not true of the substate and suprastate levels. Instead, in both countries, there is evidence of work at these levels to maintain these norms.
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| 17 |
ID:
050162
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| Publication |
London, University of Minnesota Press, 1997.
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| Description |
vii, 266p.
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| Standard Number |
0816629625
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 039714 | 341.42/BOR 039714 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 18 |
ID:
078888
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| Publication |
2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The debates about multiculturalism, and the democratic conduct of foreign policy, need bringing systematically together. A comparison of state approaches to cultural diversity helps us to understand their interrelationship. For different reasons, neither the United States nor France has experienced a direct link between multiculturalism and foreign policy, as Britain has, but each has the potential to do so. The complexities of social composition, and the growing overlaps between the domestic and international realms, mean that all three states need to revise significantly their understanding of the balance between efficiency and accountability in foreign policy-making, not least because civil peace and international peace are now connected in previously unimaginable ways. It should, nonetheless, be possible to rework practices and principles to allow the state to protect the interests of society as a whole without either scapegoating an internal minority or giving it special privileges.
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| 19 |
ID:
076516
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| Publication |
2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
After the 7 July and 21 July 2005 attacks on London the government-sponsored effort to `prevent extremism together' has repeatedly acknowledged the central role of anger at UK foreign policy in the radicalization of some British Muslims. This acknowledgement has been incorporated into a `comprehensive framework for action' centring upon the need for increased `integration' and an effort, critically, to re-work British multiculturalism as a means to combat terrorism. Examining the history of multiculturalism in Britain and the tradition of living and acting `together' that it suggests, however, raises a set of questions about the society into which integration is supposed to occur, what integration might involve and its real efficacy for combating terrorists. In addressing these issues, this article suggests that the debate over contemporary multiculturalism should be situated within a much wider social and political crisis over the meaning of `community' in the UK, to which questions of global order and foreign policy are central. Comparing the `ethical' basis of Al-Qaeda's attacks with Tony Blair's invocation of `values' as the foundation for military intervention reveals that both seek to realize models of community through violence and a shared process of `radicalization' which in both cases precedes 9/11 and which might be traced back to the Gulf War of 1991. The article concludes that debate over the future of multiculturalism in the UK is being conducted alongside and is implicated within a second, violent global conflict over community: one which is central to, but essentially unarticulated within the domestic context.
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| 20 |
ID:
081348
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2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Nationalism and multiculturalism are often perceived as polar opposites with the former viewed as the disease and the latter the cure. Contrary to this view, this article argues that a strong national identity, albeit of a particular kind, is prerequisite to a stable and functioning multicultural society. The article seeks to identify both the causes and the implications of the absence of an overarching, civic national identity in Britain, further to the goal of seeking a meaningful solution. It is our contention that the problem lies in the difficulty involved in reconciling current pressures on British identity with a coherent narrative of British history, especially its imperial past
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