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1 |
ID:
167762
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Summary/Abstract |
On March 29, 2019, the Russian Foreign Ministry and the Russian Internal Affairs Ministry held the 2nd International Practical Conference "Priorities of International Cooperation in Countering Extremism and Terrorism" at the V.Ya. Kikot Moscow University of the Russian Internal Affairs Ministry.
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2 |
ID:
108201
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Publication |
New Delhi, Oxford University Press, 2011.
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Description |
vii, 385p.
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Standard Number |
9780198073840, hbk
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
056301 | 303.6609581/KHA 056301 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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3 |
ID:
108370
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4 |
ID:
126202
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5 |
ID:
153010
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Summary/Abstract |
The Ferghana valley which is an ethnically and culturally complex region divided among three Central Asian Republics of Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan, witnessed a number of problems ranging from inter- ethnic tensions to border incursions; from security related complications to a number of socio- economic difficulties in the recent years. Moreover, it is also the most densely populated areas in Central Asia. Though sometimes the threat of religious extremism and intolerance in the Ferghana valley has been exaggerated yet it is difficult to completely deny their presence in the region and the obvious threat it has been posing for the entire Central Asia in future. The artificial delineation of border in the Ferghana valley which was finalized during the soviet era can be considered as one of the principle reasons behind the occurrences of various conflicts in the valley especially after the disintegration of the Soviet Union. Similarly, economy also plays a pivotal role in accentuating the conflict in the region as it is found that the root cause of majority of the conflicts prevalent in the region are regarding the domination of a particular ethnic group on the economic resources of that very area. However, the rivalry between the elites of the three republics and their struggle for power also play a prominent role in the disturbances that has been taking place in Ferghana valley as the elites of the valley do not want to lose their predominant position in the newly formed political establishments of their respective republics.
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6 |
ID:
109106
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7 |
ID:
111597
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8 |
ID:
143296
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Summary/Abstract |
Little is known about the attitudes of migrant populations originating from countries affected by conflict. This article examines a key assumption in the literature: that migrants harbor more conflictive attitudes than locals after war. Until now, we simply lacked the micro-level data necessary to examine migrant attitudes directly. Rather than relying on indirect evidence, I analyze new data from simultaneous surveys conducted in Sweden and Bosnia in 2010. As a whole, the empirical analysis supports the article’s novel theoretical approach. Under certain conditions, migration may promote inclusive and reconciliatory attitudes by improving access to coping resources and providing an exit from detrimental wartime and postwar conditions in origins countries.
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9 |
ID:
190996
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Summary/Abstract |
Extremist infiltration of armed forces, and the spread of violent radicalization among service members and former soldiers, are a growing international concern. With an increased number of active duty and former soldiers involved in extremist and terrorist milieus, the public fears that national security might be compromised by potential terrorists using their training, equipment, and networks against the countries they swore to protect. This is a serious impediment to the trust in authorities for many nations. However, little empirical research exists on either the scope of the problem, or the specific risk factors that might be involved in turning military personnel toward extremism. In this paper, we utilize the “Profiles of Individual Radicalization in the United States” (PIRUS) dataset to shed light on the vulnerability and risk factors into the extremist radicalization of military personnel. Our findings indicate that far-right radicalized individuals with military backgrounds are more likely to suffer from trauma, a diminution of social standing, having difficulties in romantic relationships, and exclusion from participation in social groups or organizations, compared to far-right radicalized individuals without military backgrounds. Mental illness, grievance, and anger toward society are also more present in the far-right military group compared to the non-military group.
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10 |
ID:
140494
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Publication |
New Delhi, KW Publishers Pvt Ltd, 2015.
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Description |
vii, 240p.hbk
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Standard Number |
9789383649648
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
058273 | 355.03305/PAT 058273 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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11 |
ID:
074609
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12 |
ID:
152021
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Summary/Abstract |
Bangladesh is currently facing an incremental growth of radicalization. This radicalization can be traced back to the country’s early post-Independence years. Over time, political violence, ideological clashes between secular and right-wing ideologies, and weak governance have created conditions for the growth of radical Islam. The public rhetoric on corruption, weakening of democratic institutions, inadequate law enforcement agencies, fragile justice delivery system, fledgling educational and social institutions and growing unemployment provides further space for alternative narratives by extremist ideologues. Home-grown extremist outfits have received ideological and tactical supports from transnational terrorist network such as Islamic State (IS) and Al-Qaeda in Indian Subcontinent (AQIS), but only in a limited manner. The supply and demand side of radicalization in Bangladesh has not yet been addressed by actors such as the government, private sector, civil society and media. The failures in multiple sectors in the state governance have led to a situation where IS and AQIS now see Bangladesh as a potential ground for exerting their supremacy as flag bearers of radical forms of Islam.
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13 |
ID:
146845
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14 |
ID:
115491
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15 |
ID:
092378
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Publication |
2009.
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Summary/Abstract |
The 7/7 London suicide bombings of July 2005 and numerous subsequent Islamist terror plots have highlighted the reality of an 'internal' threat to Britain. One governmental response has been the 'Preventing Violent Extremism' (PVE) programme. Whilst the educational aspect of its focus on Muslim young people is to be welcomed, there are serious concerns as to whether PVE policy, as currently designed, is falling between two stools. To date, the programme focuses exclusively on Muslim communities in flat contradiction to the integration policy priority of community cohesion, so risking further defensiveness from Muslim communities and resentment from white working class communities. Whilst ignoring the right-wing extremism growing in some of those white communities, PVE work with young people is actually failing to engage openly and robustly with the real political issues driving Muslim anger and minority extremist support. The confidence, understanding and skills of educational practitioners are vital here.
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16 |
ID:
097323
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17 |
ID:
178936
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Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the factions, leadership, and internal organization of Boko Haram, the terrorist group which has operated to devastating effect in parts of northern Nigeria, Niger, Chad, and Cameroon. It finds the group’s leadership has been significantly more centralized than previous literature has acknowledged. The leadership was also extremely ruthless but enforced group cohesion by killing anyone who sought to defect. Group members attempted to defect and depose the leadership in 2012 and 2016 by seeking external interventions from Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) and the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL), respectively. In the first instance Boko Haram’s leadership demonstrated control and influence by forcing defectors back into submission, but in the second instance ISIL-backed militants deposed the leadership in a rebellion and coup. The loyalty to ISIL of jihadist commanders and foot soldiers in Nigeria explains why only the rebellion and coup succeeded in 2016 even though AQIM provided greater material support to the first set of defectors in 2012. This article contributes to research on internal dynamics of Boko Haram, the relationships between Al Qaeda and ISIL and their allied and affiliated organizations, and the costs and benefits of extreme leadership for terrorist groups.
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18 |
ID:
174799
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Summary/Abstract |
A post-civil war country may cease military activity, but the social rupture impacts political discourse and ethnic relations, and can lead to collective violence against minorities. Sri Lanka has witnessed multiple examples of anti-Muslim sentiment and violence since the civil war termination, most infamously in 2014 when ethnic riots affected large numbers of people. Buddhist monks appeared to play a prominent role. The lengthy war and ethnonationalist ideologies have produced politico-religious shifts associated with ‘Buddhist extremism’, implicated in these riots and other aggressions. This paper uses interview data to explore the question: what causal mechanisms link post-civil war and extremist ideologies, and how this can lead to ethnic rioting. Interview respondents argue that promoting a monolithic national identity in a heterogeneous country enhances divisions, which can be politically expedient. An outright war victory, militarization of society and lack of peacebuilding sustain ethnic tensions that can be mobilized for further anti-minority violence.
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19 |
ID:
171554
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Summary/Abstract |
Sidney Jones suggests that investing in research to understand extremist movements remains a top priority in meeting their on-going threat.
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20 |
ID:
145629
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Publication |
New Delhi, Pentagon Press, 2016.
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Description |
xviii, 427p.hbk
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Standard Number |
9788182749078
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Copies: C:2/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
058700 | 327.51/PAN 058700 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
058701 | 327.51/PAN 058701 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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