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| 1 |
ID:
053035
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| 2 |
ID:
051928
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| 3 |
ID:
052168
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| 4 |
ID:
053408
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| 5 |
ID:
051924
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| 6 |
ID:
052157
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| 7 |
ID:
051926
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| 8 |
ID:
052156
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| 9 |
ID:
052405
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| Publication |
June 2004.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article questions two interrelated myths pertaining to the interwar internationalism of the British Labour Party and the theories of so-called idealists in the academic discipline of International Relations (IR). In IR, interwar "idealists" are (in)famous for a detached and utopian approach to international politics. Conventional historiographical verdicts on the international policy of the Labour Party in the interwar period suggest that the party was the practical mirror of this naïve international outlook. In fact, the two themes are connected, most notably through Labour's Advisory Committee on International Questions. This article brings the study of Labour's internationalism and the international theories of purported idealists together by focusing on debates on the League of Nations and the use of force. The analysis reveals that conventional historiographical narratives are inadequate and too simplistic for grasping the diversity of Labour's internationalism and interwar progressivist ideas about international politics in general.
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| 10 |
ID:
051967
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| 11 |
ID:
057586
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| 12 |
ID:
052012
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| Publication |
June 2004.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The spread of nuclear weapons and ballustic missiles raises fears of atomic attacks on the global satellite system
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| 13 |
ID:
052169
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| 14 |
ID:
052145
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| 15 |
ID:
052322
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| Publication |
June 2004.
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| Summary/Abstract |
It is widely believed that China is rigid in diplomacy concerning state sovereignty and national reunification, and the Taiwan issue is certainly prominent of such kind on which leaders in Beijing cannot make concessions but only struggle to gain in managing Sino-American relations. With the examination of the origins of then Chinese President Jiang Zemin's eight-points proposal that guided PRC's Taiwan policy in the past decade, this article suggests that domestic political legitimacy of an individual leader is a vital factor that affects Chinese foreign policy in general and Beijing's stance on sovereignty in particular. As this case has shown, this logic often works in the way that soften Chinese leaders' attitudes toward Taipei and Washington in the 'new' new world order because, without democratic institutions, Chinese leaders are weak in terms of internal legitimacy. The diplomatic reputation they gain from Washington can substantially help them in this regard.
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| 16 |
ID:
052170
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| 17 |
ID:
052172
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| 18 |
ID:
050511
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| Publication |
June 2004.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Customary international law has that countries may do each other no harm. A country violates this rule if an activity under its control does damage to another country, and if this is done on purpose or due to carelessness. Impacts of climate change fall under this rule, which is reinforced by many declarations and treaties, including the UNFCCC. Compensation for the harm done depends on many parameters, such as emission scenarios, climate change, climate change impacts and its accounting. The compensation paid by the OECD may run up to 4% of its GDP, far exceeding the costs of climate change to the OECD directly. However, the most crucial issues are, first, from when countries can be held responsible and, second, which emissions are acceptable and which careless. This may even be interpreted such that the countries of the OECD are entitled to compensation, rather than be obliged to pay. State responsibility could substantially change international climate policy.
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| 19 |
ID:
050398
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| 20 |
ID:
057587
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