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ID:
091486
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Recent discourse on U.S. efforts to promote democracy has focused on military activities; especially the strategic and normative perils of democracy promotion at the point of bayonets. This paper explores the United States' use of economic statecraft to foster democratization, with particular attention to democracy incentive and assistance strategies. Incentive approaches attempt to promote democracy from the top-down, by leveraging aid and trade privileges to persuade authoritarian leaders to implement political reform. Assistance approaches aim to induce democratization from the inside, through funding and technical assistance to state institutions, and from the bottom-up, by providing support to civil society and elections. This study finds that while top-down incentive approaches can stimulate democratic change, this strategy tends to work only when aid and trade benefits are conditional; that is, when benefits are withheld until recipient states meet rigorous democratic benchmarks. Washington has historically eschewed democratic conditionality, however, and thus can claim very few aid-induced or trade-induced democratization events. Scant evidence exists to demonstrate that inside approaches-that is, institutional aid-possesses significant capacity to induce democracy. It is the bottom-up approach-empowering the masses to compel democratic change-that has registered the greatest number of democracy promotion successes.
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| 2 |
ID:
050525
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Jan-Feb 2004.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This study examines the efficacy of various strategies of dissuading state support for terrorism. Libya represents the principle case study employed to test the impact of military force, unilateral economic sanctions, and multilateral economic sanctions against states which provide support to international terrorist organizations. The frequency of Libyan-supported terrorist attacks declined after the application, in 1986, of U.S. unilateral economic sanctions and military force against the regime of Muammar Qaddafi. However, these measures were unable to reduce the lethality of Libyan-supported terrorism, as the number of individuals killed by Libyan terrorism escalated substantially in the years following American airstrikes and sanctions. After the application of multilateral sanctions in 1992, however, Libya essentially dismantled its terrorist support program. In the decade since the imposition of UN sanctions on Libya, the Qaddafi regime has not been linked to a single attack against Americans. The significant economic and political pressures generated by the broadly multilateral sanctions appear to have induced Libya's departure from the ranks of terrorism sponsors.
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| 3 |
ID:
156250
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| Summary/Abstract |
Predictions that Brexit will precipitate the disintegration of the European Union (EU) have greatly overstated the prospect of such an event. Britain's centuries-long conflicted relationship with Europe and contemporary survey data – exhibiting marked differences between Britain and the rest of Europe with regard to Euroskepticism – suggest that Brexit is a sui generis event, unique to Britain, and is not a harbinger of things to come. Conversely, by triggering the departure of the EU's biggest obstacle to an ever deeper union, Brexit's most likely effect is to strengthen European integration and foster greater consolidation in the EU.
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