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| 1 |
ID:
154144
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| Summary/Abstract |
Recent calls to inject substantial doses of deliberation into democratic politics rest on a misdiagnosis of its infirmities. Far from improving political outcomes, deliberation undermines competition over proposed political programs–the lifeblood of healthy democratic politics. Moreover, institutions that are intended to encourage deliberation are all too easily hijacked by people with intense preferences and abundant resources, who can deploy their leverage in deliberative settings to bargain for the outcomes they prefer. Arguments in support of deliberation are, at best, diversions from more serious threats to democracy, notably money's toxic role in politics. A better focus would be on restoring meaningful competition between representatives of two strong political parties over the policies that, if elected, they will implement. I sketch the main outlines of this kind of political competition, differentiating it from less healthy forms of multiparty and intraparty competition that undermine the accountability of governments.
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| 2 |
ID:
051207
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| Publication |
Cambridge, MIT Press, 2003.
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| Description |
xi, 556p.
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| Standard Number |
0262541475
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 048160 | 321.8/DAH 048160 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 3 |
ID:
083713
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Bush administration has been too quick to dismiss containment as an obsolete hangover of the Cold War. Appropriately modified to operate through international institutions and regional alliances, containment provides the most viable available basis for responding to terrorist threats emanating from rogue regimes and weak states.
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| 4 |
ID:
051219
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| Publication |
New Haven, Yale University Press, 2003.
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| Description |
xii, 2889p.
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| Standard Number |
9780300079074
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 048172 | 172/SHA 048172 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 5 |
ID:
054151
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| Publication |
Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2004.
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| Description |
xi, 419p.
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| Standard Number |
0521539439
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 048721 | 320.01/SHA 048721 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 6 |
ID:
062425
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| 7 |
ID:
051224
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| Publication |
Princeton, Princeton University Press, 2003.
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| Description |
xi, 183p.
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| Standard Number |
0691115478
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 048177 | 321.8/SHA 048177 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 8 |
ID:
131495
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Chronic communal conflicts often embody prisoner's dilemmas. Both communities prefer peace to war. Yet neither trusts the other, viewing the other's gain as its loss, so potentially shared interests often go unrealized. Achieving positive-sum outcomes from apparently zero-sum struggles requires a particular kind of risk-embracing leadership. To succeed leaders must (a) see power relations as potentially positive-sum, (b) strengthen negotiating adversaries when tempted to weaken them, and (c) demonstrate hope for a positive future and take great personal risks to achieve it. Such leadership is exemplified by Nelson Mandela and F. W. de Klerk in the South African democratic transition. To illuminate the strategic dilemmas Mandela and de Klerk faced, we examine the work of Robert Axelrod, Thomas Schelling, and Josep Colomer, who highlight important dimensions of the problem but underplay the role of risk-embracing leadership. Finally we discuss leadership successes and failures in the Northern Ireland settlement and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
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