|
Sort Order |
|
|
|
Items / Page
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Srl | Item |
1 |
ID:
163469
|
|
|
Publication |
London, Springer Nature, 2016.
|
Description |
xxi, 248p.: figures, tableshbk
|
Series |
International Political Economy Series
|
Standard Number |
9781137556455
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
059590 | 338.90091724/JIN 059590 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
|
|
|
|
2 |
ID:
116064
|
|
|
Publication |
2012.
|
Summary/Abstract |
This paper considers the effect of corruption and military spending on economic growth, analysing both the direct impact of public spending and the effect of allocating resources between categories of public spending within the framework of an endogenous growth model. The model exhibits non-linearities as a result of the links between the components of public spending, corruption and economic growth. The main findings of the empirical analysis confirm the expectation that corruption and military burden lower the growth rate of gross domestic product per capita. They also suggest that when the effect of the complementarity between military spending and corruption is omitted, as in most studies, the impact of military burden on economic performance is underestimated.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
3 |
ID:
159077
|
|
|
Summary/Abstract |
This study is part of an emerging literature that aims to shed light on China's development finance activities in Africa using quantitative estimation techniques. This paper empirically investigates whether African authoritarian regimes receive more Chinese development finance than democratic ones. I use four different measures of democracy/autocracy which allows me to check whether my results depend on the specific indicator chosen. The OLS results suggest that Chinese development finance does not systematically flow to more authoritarian countries, controlling for strategic, economic, political, institutional and geographic confounding factors. The results are not driven by the specific democracy indicator used in the analysis. The findings remain virtually unchanged if I reduce the sample to Sub-Saharan Africa only. Furthermore, the results stand up to several robustness checks, including FE, RE and instrumental variable estimation.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
4 |
ID:
085712
|
|
|
Summary/Abstract |
The excessive use of pesticides to control pests in Indonesia during the 1970s and 1980s caused serious environmental and human health problems. To overcome these environmental problems, from 1989 till 1999 the Indonesian Government actively adopted a strategy of integrated pest management (IPM). The general objective of this research is to analyse the impact of the IPM programme on Indonesian economy and household incomes for different socioeconomic groups.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
5 |
ID:
051158
|
|
|
Publication |
Aldershot, Ashgate, 2004.
|
Description |
x, 224p.
|
Standard Number |
0754634892
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
048207 | 337/VEL 048207 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
|
|
|
|
6 |
ID:
073377
|
|
|
7 |
ID:
076295
|
|
|
8 |
ID:
138252
|
|
|
Summary/Abstract |
This paper evaluates Kazakhstan’s natural resource policies and their impact on the standard of living of the Kazakhstan population within the framework of three determinative factors: globalization and international markets; Soviet legacy and ‘resource nationalism’; and Nursultan Nazarbayev and his authoritarian leadership. It argues that natural resource policies of Kazakhstan failed to improve the living standards of the majority of people in Kazakhstan, especially the poor and those living in oil-producing and rural areas, despite increasing oil prices and revenues. The argument will be supported with an analysis of Kazakhstan’s oil wealth distribution in light of global initiatives as well as with evidence derived from official reports and statistical data to find out whether Nazarbayev’s widely discussed ‘resource nationalism’ is ‘nationalistic’ enough to favour the whole nation.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
9 |
ID:
099923
|
|
|
Publication |
Washington, DC, World Bank, 2010.
|
Description |
ix, 472p.
|
Standard Number |
9780821377222
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
055454 | 320.01/LIN 055454 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
|
|
|
|
10 |
ID:
073381
|
|
|
Publication |
2006.
|
Summary/Abstract |
Focusing on the development emphasis in discussions of Chinese migration abroad, this article interrogates the connection between the Chinese discourse of overseas development and the domestic stress on "constructing civilization" and improving the "quality" of the population. Like some Western states earlier in history, China is becoming a source of foreign investment and a participant in international development discourse (though not in its current institutions) while intensely engaged in a modernizing process at home that it feels is still far from completion. Chinese migrants abroad are central to both the process and the discourse. How, then, does the new role in overseas development fit into Chinese discourses of domestic modernization? More particularly, how do encounters with overseas subjects of development affect the position of development's putative Chinese harbingers? I argue that the view of China as having taken over the torch of the global modernizing mission unites otherwise disparate groups (government officials, migrant entrepreneurs and Christians) and is central to understanding the Chinese view of the country's position in the world.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|