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| 1 |
ID:
057160
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| 2 |
ID:
052469
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| Publication |
Dec 2003.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The article contends that private military contractors supporting American military operations in Iraq will come under intense international scrutiny. Various factors have led to the substantial private presence and the Iraq case reveals shifts in international dynamics from state to private actors. However, the private presence raises concerns that will have to be considered due to the fishbowl qualities of the Iraq case. How the state-contractor relationship is managed will likely have a significant impact upon American policy in Iraq and upon how American military might is perceived, produced, and applied in the future.
Indeed, there are many problems and it is not entirely clear that the United States is prepared to handle the effects stemming from its heavy reliance upon military contractors.
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| 3 |
ID:
057156
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| 4 |
ID:
057158
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| 5 |
ID:
052472
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| Publication |
Dec 2003.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since the end of the 1990s, the United States is spending an enormous amount of time, money and energy in developing a workable missile defence system. The Bush administration plans to deploy a couple of missile interceptors in Alaska and California before September 2004. This article assesses different US missile defence scenarios, using four criteria: technological feasibility, cost, threat perception, and strategic stability. Based on these four criteria, we conclude that only a limited US NMD system that is not easily expandable will be acceptable for the other global actors, including Russia, China and Europe. It also requires a multilateral anti-ballistic missile treaty that sets limits to missile defence.
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| 6 |
ID:
053873
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| 7 |
ID:
052982
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| 8 |
ID:
057162
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| 9 |
ID:
051655
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| Publication |
Dec 2003.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Globalisation is not what it used to be. Earlier debates over how to read the indicators of economic liberalisation and the impact of technological expansion have now been joined by the increasingly pressing need to explore the social, environmental and political aspects of global change. Earlier discussions emphasised a number of dichotomies within the international political economy - open/closed, state/market and so on. These have proved limited in their ability to inform explanations of change under conditions of globalisation. To these we must now add what we might call the 'governance from above', 'resistance from below' dichotomy as a popular metaphor for understanding order and change in international relations under conditions of globalisation. But this new binary axis is in many ways as unsatisfactory as those that went before. It too can obscure as much as it reveals in terms of understanding the normative possibilities of reforming globalisation. In this article we wish to suggest that there is perhaps a more useful way of thinking about politics and the changing contours of political life in the contemporary global order. This approach blurs the distinction between governance and resistance by emphasising an ethical take on globalisation.
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| 10 |
ID:
051660
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| Publication |
Dec 2003.
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| Summary/Abstract |
'Given the success of Naomi Klein with her book No Logo and Noreena Hertz's The Silent Takeover, can we infer from this that feminists are finding themselves in the limelight of the anti-globalisation movement?' With this question a reporter of the Dutch magazine Op Gelijke Voet approached me about two years ago.
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| 11 |
ID:
052625
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| Publication |
Dec 2003.
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| Description |
Dec 2003
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| 12 |
ID:
052154
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| 13 |
ID:
057151
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| 14 |
ID:
057159
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| 15 |
ID:
051656
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| Publication |
Dec 2003.
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| Summary/Abstract |
If we assume that the state has no ontological status apart from the many and varied practices that bring it into being, then the state is an artefact of a continual process of reproduction that performatively constitutes its identity. The inscription of boundaries, the articulation of coherence, and the identification of threats to its sense of self can be located in and driven by the official discourses of government. But they can equally be located in and driven by the cultural discourses of the community, and represented in sites as 'unofficial' as art, film and literature. While such cultural locations are often taken to be the sites of resistance to practices of government, their oppositional character is neither intrinsic nor guaranteed. Indeed, states have often engaged in or benefited from practices of cultural governance. As Michael Shapiro argues, cultural governance involves support for diverse genres of expression to constitute and legitimise practices of sovereignty, while restricting or preventing those representations that challenge sovereignty. In this sense, cultural governance is a set of historical practices of representation - involving the state but never fully controlled by the state - in which the struggle for the state's identity is located.
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| 16 |
ID:
056821
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| 17 |
ID:
052470
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| Publication |
Dec 2003.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The extent to which the broadening security agenda should be operationalised by Western military forces is unclear. Prompted by events in Afghanistan during October 2001 and the trend towards regime change and reconstruction, this article uses the notion of civil society as a means to explore the implications of using developmental objectives to shape operations. It argues that civil society's limited utility is most evident when it is applied to urban conflict. Nevertheless, civil society is a significant indicator of trends that may yet shape strategic guidance. This raises questions about the nature and role of military force in the contemporary world, and, indeed, of the new security agenda itself.
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| 18 |
ID:
051379
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| 19 |
ID:
052980
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| 20 |
ID:
052468
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| Publication |
Dec 2003.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The article analyzes what the European Security and Defence Policy means for Switzerland's security policy and the Swiss Armed Forces. We assume that in the long run, 'Europe' and the 'European cause' will be the strongest sources for legitimizing the use of force and for beefing up military budgets. However, as no country is able to raise the necessary financial resources on its own, European states will have to find new, innovative ways of pooling their resources and devising concepts of role specialization. The overall consequences of these developments will require politicians and military planners to focus more strongly on the strategic adaptability of the country's armed forces rather than on optimising reform at the operational level. We highlight the consequences for Switzerland by addressing the issue of forging strategic partnerships, adapting armament procurement and overhauling security and military planning processes.
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