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| 1 |
ID:
120744
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| 2 |
ID:
124766
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the arrival of Tactical Nuclear Weapons (TNWs) amid the rapid arms race in South Asia. It analyzes the stability and instability prospects linked to the arrival of and dependence on TNWs. It states that TNW is a murky term that confronts a definitional issue. Although TNW has not been used yet, it entails the risk of its use on the battlefield in the event of a limited war. Conceptually, this sets the stage for an interesting debate on whether or not the arrival of TNWs is stabilizing for the South Asian region, which has confronted many wars and minor border skirmishes during pre- and post-nuclear periods. Since it is viewed that a possible limited military escalation to a nuclear level may not be ruled out and the arrival of TNWs has become a reality, the article concludes that a centralized command and control system bolstered with the non-deployed deterring posture of TNWs is the immediate solution to avert the related worries of pre-delegation, force protection, and the use-or-lose dilemma. It is expected that, learning from their nuclear predecessors, the South Asian nuclear leadership would practice restraint, remain rational, and call for the need of political trust and military reassurances to avert nuclear weapon use.
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| 3 |
ID:
160353
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), ostensibly a connectivity and developmental
program, was launched by the Chinese President Xi Jinping with the primary
objective of connecting the common people in Asia through trade, infrastructure
and culture. The initiative is designed to enhance connectivity in areas such as trade,
infrastructure, investment, capital and people. That said, since its inception, the
project seems to confront certain hurdles such as regional geopolitical complexities
and launching of other alternative proposals that tend to hamper its progress. As
part of the BRI, the BCIM–EC proposes to connect eastern China with South Asia
that will also ultimately connect Southeast Asia through different modes for better
economic and cultural connectivity. This paper attempts to evaluate the challenges
and opportunities of the BCIM–EC project in the context of South and Southeast
Asian nations. The paper concludes that the challenges are rather overriding.
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| 4 |
ID:
117514
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Riding the tiger is a hazardous sport. To fall off it or to attempt to dismount it, even, is to be eaten; and it is precisely this predicament that the South Pacific region's first and only military strongman finds himself in Fiji.
On 5 December 2006 Commodore Josaia Voreqe (Frank) Bainimarama deposed a lawfully elected multi-party SDL-FLP government by force of arms. This was, as he and his inner circle are well aware, nothing short of treason for which the penalty is life imprisonment. So he now seeks to be somehow spirited from the tiger's back by a promise of elections in 2014 and the construction of yet another constitution under the chairmanship of Kenyan professor Yash Ghai.
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| 5 |
ID:
133906
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Foreign Policy of any country should be so framed that relations with neighbours should be given the highest priority because that, to a great extent, determines the country's standing in the comity of nations. Obviously, India's emergence as a regional power and a key global player also depends on its image and standing in the neighbourhood of the South Asian region. Fortunately, the new Indian government under Narendra Modi's dispensation has taken certain reasonable steps towards forging closer ties with all of its neighbours in the subcontinent.
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| 6 |
ID:
193027
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| Summary/Abstract |
In recent years, India has established itself as the world’s ‘pharmacy hub’, and this claim was proven once again when it delivered COVID-19 vaccines to its citizens, neighbouring nations and across the globe. Following the philosophy of humanitarianism through the principle of ‘Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam’, India has decided to provide the COVID-19 health assistance to its immediate neighbouring countries. India’s immediate neighbourhood refers to the countries that are geographically adjacent to it. In addition, India’s vaccine diplomacy has exposed geopolitical fault lines in South Asia as China’s vaccine diplomacy aims to outpace India in the region. Against this background, the main objective of this paper is to explain and examine India’s vaccine diplomacy as an instrument of its ‘Neighbourhood First’ policy during the COVID-19 pandemic. It argues that India’s health-focused approach has proved effective and aligned with its national interests. This review demonstrates that India’s health diplomacy has had an impact on medical and humanitarian assistance reciprocation at the regional and international levels. As a result of this strategy, during the second wave of the pandemic, India received medical devices and vaccines from other countries in dealing with COVID-19.
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| 7 |
ID:
140630
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| Summary/Abstract |
The purpose of this paper is to assess the nature of India's public diplomacy towards South Asia and critically evaluate its performance. It argues that India’s public diplomacy (PD) efforts are more focused on other regions rather than the South Asian Region. This apparent lack of focus is due to the fact that India’s foreign policy has not been pro-active towards its immediate neighbours except for policies such as the Gujral Doctrine, which have since become stagnant. The lack of focus on SAARC countries by India’s PD division is also because most of India’s New Public Diplomacy (NPD) is focused on the domestic public rather than the foreign public. This is quite contrasting to the general trend elsewhere wherein States have oriented their PD efforts to reach foreign audiences to improve their soft power. Thus, the paper suggests a review of India's public diplomacy efforts to expand its reach and influence in this area.
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| 8 |
ID:
129650
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Among the most distinctive features of US President Barack Obama's counterterrorism strategy has been his reliance on unmanned aerial vehicles-more commonly known as drones-to target terrorist operatives around the globe. The use of drones has rapidly expanded beyond the battlefields where US troops have openly engaged in conflict, such as Afghanistan and Iraq, to a range of undeclared combat zones, including Pakistan, Yemen, and Somalia. According to an official estimate, the US military launched in 1,160 drone strikes in Afghanistan alone between 2009 and 2012.
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| 9 |
ID:
168097
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| 10 |
ID:
051386
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| Publication |
Apr-Jun 2004.
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| 11 |
ID:
185127
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A massive geopolitical churning taking place in Afghanistan will have its unprecedented implications for the South Asian region including India. Those who were concerned that the democratically elected government led by Ashraf Ghani was bad must be confirmed by now that Taliban is worst as its return has bleed the heart of Asia like never before. Although, the regime reverses in Afghanistan is a Talibani message to America but its return in many ways is a serious cause of concern for South Asia and especially India considering the history of Afghanistan and character of Taliban.
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| 12 |
ID:
161114
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Indo-Pak water sharing relations have been belligerent since their independence in 1947. The partition of the subcontinent give birth to a number of disputes including the Indus water conflict. The Shimla and Delhi agreement did not completely settle the dispute Pakistan demanded an equal share from all the water resources.
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| 13 |
ID:
113150
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| 14 |
ID:
116035
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