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| 1 |
ID:
101656
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In recent years, Iran has come to acquire a significant place in the West Asian region with the ability to influence regional politics. For India, relations with Iran are vital. In the changed strategic environment, both India and Iran have been working towards improving their bilateral relations. However, there are several challenges, especially for India, in this regard. If the Iran-US confrontation intensifies, for example, India may find it difficult to pursue a smooth relationship with Iran. This article looks at various facets of India-Iran relations and examines the opportunities and challenges that lie ahead.
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| 2 |
ID:
104650
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| 3 |
ID:
020819
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| Publication |
2002.
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| Description |
48-64
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| 4 |
ID:
124886
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
During the past few years, New Delhi has stepped up its engagement with the Central Asian Republics with the aim of building a long term partnership - both bilaterally and collectively under the frame work of newly pronounced 'Connect Central Asia' policy.
The 'Connect Central Asia' policy is based on pro-active political, economic, cultural and people-to-people engagement with the countries of Central Asian region. At present the South, Central and West Asian region is exposed to completely new set of challenges. These new developments make a case for India to evolve a calibrated and co-ordinated response in its engagement with the regional countries to further secure India's core national interests. It is in this context that present article attempts to examine and evaluate various facets of India's 'Connect Central Asia' policy.
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| 5 |
ID:
114347
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In June 2011, the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO), an influential Eurasian regional grouping consisting of Russia, China and four Central Asian Republics (CARs)-Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan-formally approved a 'memorandum of obligation', which will now enable non-member countries to apply for SCO membership. India is an observer in the SCO and has expressed its desire to play a larger and more meaningful role as a full member of the organisation. Russia and the Central Asian states have always been very supportive of India's entry into the SCO as a full member but it was only recently that New Delhi expressed its desire to join the organisation as such.
On 17 August 2011, India's foreign minister said: 'India's entry into SCO will not only add value but also enhance stature of the organisation… . This is an important grouping'. 1 He also informed the Rajya Sabha ('House of the States', the Upper House of India's parliament) during Question Hour 2 that he was in touch with his counterparts in the SCO member countries regarding India's case for full membership and had received positive responses from them. In this context, some key issues related to India's full membership and its options of engagement with the SCO require a comprehensive analysis. It is important to examine the implications of full membership for India in the context of the new rules approved in the last SCO summit meeting in Astana and to explore whether there is a case for India to join the SCO as a full member. What will India gain as a full member? What are its options in the SCO? And finally, what challenges may it face as a full member? Such an analysis would help India in developing a mid- and long-term strategy for effective engagement with the SCO.
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| 6 |
ID:
062421
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| Publication |
Jan-Jun 2005.
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| 7 |
ID:
058276
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| 8 |
ID:
090072
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| Publication |
New Delhi, IDSA, 2009.
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| Description |
205p.
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| Standard Number |
9788186019580
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 054358 | 355.033/ROY 054358 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 9 |
ID:
115896
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Most of the discourses on India-Iran relations are either focused on cultural and civilisational links with Iran or its relevance as an energy-rich nation. Its transit potential in providing India with access to Central Asia has not received adequate attention. While there is a general acceptance that Iran provides India with access to Central Asia, what is little known and thus not analysed is the question: to what extent has India been able to realise Iran's transit potential and what are the major bilateral, regional and international challenges faced by both these countries for realising that potential? The article argues that despite Iran's geostrategic location as well as regional complexities, the Iran-US standoff, security challenges and lack of adequate economic resources constrain India's efforts to maximise the potential offered by the various land, sea and rail routes connecting India to the Eurasian region through Iran. A new thrust by all regional partners supported by international agencies to revive old links and build new corridors therefore becomes necessary.
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| 10 |
ID:
075146
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| 11 |
ID:
097305
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| 12 |
ID:
097315
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
oday, the situation in Afghanistan is mired with the geopolitics of regional and extra-regional players. Bringing stability to the country is a major challenge for the international community. The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) has the potential to play an important role, provided it is able to make some adjustments in its policy. Given its strengths and weaknesses, it is likely to focus more on economic, trade and security related issues within the Eurasian region rather than in Afghanistan. However, the geographical proximity of Afghanistan to the SCO member states, particularly, the Central Asian countries, will increasingly demand continued attention of its neighbouring countries to engage Afghanistan bilaterally. Despite the SCO's proposed commitments since 2008 to provide greater attention to the Afghan issue, it may not be able to play any significant role because of its inherent contradictions, economic limitations and greater emphasis on bilateral engagement with Afghanistan by the member countries other than a multilateral engagement. More importantly, Afghanistan's absence from the SCO and the US-NATO military presence in Afghanistan do not provide enough space for the SCO to play any meaningful role in Afghanistan.
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| 13 |
ID:
019274
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| Publication |
June 2001.
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| Description |
451-464
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| 14 |
ID:
051404
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| 15 |
ID:
084888
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| 16 |
ID:
126718
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, 2014.
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| Description |
116p.Pbk
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| Series |
IDSA Monograph Series No.34
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| Standard Number |
9789382169352
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Copies: C:2/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 057550 | 341.2470951/ROY 057550 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
| 057551 | 341.2470951/ROY 057551 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 17 |
ID:
105633
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| 18 |
ID:
151872
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| 19 |
ID:
170545
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| Summary/Abstract |
India has redefined its engagement with Eurasia in the last few years. It has sought to re-energize ties with its extended neighbourhood based on its historical linkages, positive and benign image, and overlapping security and economic interests. In this context, ties with Uzbekistan remain a key pillar of India’s Eurasian calculus. Tashkent’s strategic location at the crossroads of Central Asia and abundant natural resources form the fulcrum around which the security of Central Asia revolves. The country’s ongoing dynamic phase of accommodative regional cooperation has added a new dimension to the Central Asian political landscape. At a time when the entire region is undergoing a significant transition, marked by new strategic equations and alignments between both the regional and extra-regional powers, a new India is seeking to build meaningful cooperation with a new Uzbekistan which is focused on energy, trade, education, connectivity, and security.
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