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| 1 |
ID:
060979
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| Publication |
Mar 2005.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Chancellor Gordon Brown has declared that 2005 will be a milestone in the United Kingdom's campaign to meet the UN Millennium Goals. Owing to Britain's chairmanship of both the G8 and the European Union in 2005, Brown believes that an opportunity to raise the continent's star in global politics presents itself. This comes after the launch in 2004 of the Blair Commission for Africa and a recent spate of high profile interventions by assorted politicians and famous musicians. It also follows a trend begun at the G8 meetings where Africa is placed on the G8 agenda. Such an interest in the continent is to be welcomed. Yet this article contends that Gordon Brown's assumptions regarding Africa's troubles, and the ingredients found within his proposals, are mistaken and need rethinking. The article argues that Brown's approach to Africa's problems is based on incomplete information or a misreading of the situation, and by default may serve to prolong Africa's crises rather than alleviate them.
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| 2 |
ID:
144385
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Chinese demand drove a commodity supercycle that was good for many African economies. Now that it’s over, those who failed to cultivate other industries are back to square one.
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| 3 |
ID:
059959
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| Publication |
London, Routledge, 2004.
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| Description |
xii, 225p.
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| Series |
Routledge advances in International relations and global politics; no. 27
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| Standard Number |
0415318580
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 049318 | 327.6/TAY 049318 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 4 |
ID:
053820
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| 5 |
ID:
115827
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Ellen Hillbom's contribution to the debate on the nature of the state in Botswana is most welcome.1 The relative success, despite important qualifiers, of Gaborone stands in stark contrast to many of its neighbours. Explaining this is important for studies of comparative African development. However, I disagree with Hillbom's negation of Botswana as a developmental state and her characterization of it as a gate-keeping state. Instead, I would argue that Botswana is an example of a state that has broadly pursued certain policies in the construction of a formative hegemony, to use Antonio Gramsci's concept.2 Doing so has led to what might be regarded as a developmental state to emerge - a state that pursues policies that coordinate investment plans; has a national development vision (implying that the state is an entrepreneurial agent); engages in institution building to promote growth and development; and, finally, plays a role in domestic conflict management.3 A key theorist of the developmental state, T. J. Pempel, indeed argues that 'These fusions of state and society are reflected in specific public policy profiles akin to what Antonio Gramsci called "hegemonic projects".'4
Six major components define the developmental state model: a determined developmental elite; relative autonomy; a powerful, competent and insulated bureaucracy; a weak and subordinated civil society; the effective management of non-state economic interests; and legitimacy and performance.5 Botswana's state since independence conforms to such indicators, managed by the Botswana Democrtaic Party (BDP).6 Its authoritarian nature alongside such features of its political economy is in keeping with 'typical' developmental states.7
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| 6 |
ID:
123538
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
South-South cooperation is assumed to reflect a deep attitude of solidarity among nations of the global South. We point out that, although India, Brazil and South Africa (ibsa) present themselves as being in the vanguard of South-South cooperation, their foreign economic policies make such solidarity somewhat thin. We focus on examples in which these three states deliberately but also unintentionally create sub-optimal conditions for the development of some of their Southern neighbours. This outcome reflects the policies that emerging centres of accumulation in the South are promoting, as well as the material interests of the dominant class alliances in the aforementioned states. There is a need for close scrutiny of the foreign economic policies of dynamic developing economies, and for closer multilateral coordination among the states of the global South.
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| 7 |
ID:
074291
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| Publication |
London, Routledge, 2006.
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| Description |
vi, 233p.
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| Standard Number |
0415397405
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 051798 | 327.51067/TAY 051798 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 8 |
ID:
121904
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2013.
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Chinese arms sales to Africa have increased in recent years. In a region beset by conflict and unstable regimes, and where arms sales are a significant and positive predictor of an increased probability of political violence, this is inherently problematic. The sale of weaponry to a regime in Khartoum caught up in an alleged "genocide" in Darfur, the awkward appearance in 2008 of a Chinese ship loaded with weapons bound for Mugabe's Zimbabwe off the coast of eastern Africa, and the recent exposure in 2011 that Chinese arms companies offered to sell around $200 million worth of arms to Muammar Gaddafi's regime are emblematic of an issue in Africa's political violence that needs analysis. This article seeks to discuss the rationale behind China's arms sales to Africa and the effect that they have had on political violence in recipient countries. It also provides an analysis of the supply-and-demand circumstances of Chinese arms transfers to Africa, Beijing's attempts to control such transfers, and evidence that Chinese policies on proliferation are (slowly) evolving.
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| 9 |
ID:
074593
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| Publication |
2006.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Within the next five years, Chinese trade with Africa is predicted to reach $100 billion per year. Much of this springs from China's growing expansion into Africa's oil markets. It is argued that Chinese oil diplomacy in Africa has two main goals: in the short-term to secure oil supplies to help feed growing domestic demand back in China; and in the long-term, to position China as a global player in the international oil market. Yet at the same time, this oil safari is being accompanied by an explicit stance that emphasizes state sovereignty and 'non-interference' in domestic affairs and is wholly disinterested in transparency or human rights. Consequently, Beijing has increasingly been accused of turning a blind eye to autocracy and corruption. China is also threatening to undercut efforts by the African Union and its western partners to make government and business more accountable. While China is providing investment where little was previously forthcoming, concerns about Beijing's engagement with Africa's oil industries need to be resolved, not least by African leaders themselves.
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| 10 |
ID:
079681
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2007.
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Nigeria has become one of China's most important trading partners. China is investing heavily in Nigeria in both commercial and political terms. This article analyses the relationship between China and Nigeria and suggests ways it might develop in the future
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| 11 |
ID:
073213
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| 12 |
ID:
166693
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Over 50 years after 1960’s ‘Year of Africa’, most of Francophone Africa continues to be embedded in a set of associations that fit very well with Kwame Nkrumah’s description of neocolonialism, where postcolonial states are de jure independent but in reality constrained through their economic systems so that policy is directed from outside. This article scrutinises the functioning of the Communauté Financière Africaine (CFA), considering the role the currency has in persistent underdevelopment in most of Francophone Africa. In doing so, the article identifies the CFA as the most blatant example of functioning neocolonialism in Africa today and a critical device that promotes dependency in large parts of the continent. Mainstream analyses of the technical aspects of the CFA have generally focused on the exchange rate and other related matters. However, while important, the real importance of the CFA franc should not be seen as purely economic, but also political.
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| 13 |
ID:
052914
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| 14 |
ID:
065723
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| 15 |
ID:
095177
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| Publication |
2010.
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The New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) was launched in 2001 as the pre-eminent vehicle to promote Africa's recovery. Initially it was enthusiastically promoted by a select number of countries in Africa, as well as by key members within the G-8. The European Union was active in its support, particularly vis-a-vis governance issues, stating that the EU 'finds that Africa's development efforts are best served by a greatly sharpened focus on NEPAD as the basis for partnership between Africa and the international community'. However, there have been significant problems facing NEPAD. These revolve around the actual extant political economy and dominant political cultures across Africa, which the technocratic neoliberal agenda of 'good governance' cannot deal with. Furthermore, the rise of Chinese engagement with Africa adds a major difficulty to Brussels' claim to be a key engine in supporting NEPAD's goals regarding governance and development. Indeed, the emergence of Chinese actors in Africa threatens to make much of the EU's policies on governance largely irrelevant, although it is acknowledged that, in the long term, Beijing's policy interests are not served by chaotically ruled states.
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| 16 |
ID:
113286
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
India's rise in Africa has been largely overlooked, despite the important implications of the growing presence of Indian corporations and a rise in New Delhi's political ties with the continent. Not only are Indian actors providing much-needed investment and capital, but Indo-African connections represent a further important diversification of Africa's international relations, something which reflects a major development for the continent. Indian activity in Africa may be said to constitute a middle ground between China's profit-maximizing and largely statist approach and the much-resented intrusive conditionalities associated with western policies. It is evident that India's growing activity in Africa has the potential to help African companies become more efficient by exposing them to competition, new advances in technology and modern labour skills. African governments could potentially use the opportunity of an increased Indian corporate presence in Africa as sources of appropriate technology, skills and advice for economic development. However, if not handled correctly, any goodwill that India possesses in Africa will quickly be squandered and/or India will become just another actor in Africa. It is up to Africans to negotiate with Indian actors to ensure that the benefits accrued from Indo-African ties are evenly shared and that Indian interest in the continent, alongside that of others, may help to serve as a catalyst for economic revitalization. The key issue is how African leaders can seek to leverage newfound Indian investment and interest in Africa so that Africa's place in global trade networks becomes more proactive and beneficial to the continent's citizens.
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| 17 |
ID:
126957
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since ESA's establishment the context in which it operates has evolved greatly, from one of development of technologies and general competence to one of responding to the needs of an increasingly wide range of users, many of whose requirements straddle several applications categories. The IAP programme is ESA's response to this challenge, aimed at fostering the growth of a downstream industry, creating a market for the space industry and serving economic growth overall. The programme's structure and the platforms themselves are described and the programme's achievements and prospects presented. Its success testifies to ESA's continuing ability to adapt to changing environments and operate effectively in new sectors.
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| 18 |
ID:
072997
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| 19 |
ID:
079663
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| Publication |
2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Botswana is routinely celebrated as a 'model' for Africa and is habitually portrayed as an exception to the general slide to autocracy that has characterized much of post-colonial Africa. In fact, Botswana's polity is typified by an unaccountable president, an extremely weak civil society, and grotesque levels of inequality. There are growing indications that Botswana is descending to autocracy and arbitrariness and its democratic profile is in serious danger. Such realities are however seriously ignored by most academics, spellbound as they are by The African Miracle. When observers point out such anomalies, they are either physically deported from Botswana or banned from entering the country
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| 20 |
ID:
066584
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| Publication |
Boulder, Lynne Reinner Publishers, 2005.
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| Description |
x, 212p.
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| Standard Number |
1588263517
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 050358 | 338.96/TAY 050358 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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