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| 1 |
ID:
119766
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| 2 |
ID:
037151
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| Publication |
London, Collier - Macmillan Limited, 1968.
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| Description |
xxv, 698p.
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 007123 | 306.2/ETZ 007123 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 3 |
ID:
143285
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| Summary/Abstract |
In response to China’s military modernization and growing anti-access/area denial capabilities, the US military has adopted an “Air Sea Battle” (ASB) concept entailing extensive strikes on the Chinese mainland. ASB has been embraced at the Pentagon and increasingly affects procurement decisions. Critics argue that ASB creates grave escalation risks and may incite an expensive arms race. Less discussed, but also of serious concern, is that ASB was adopted with little to no civilian oversight, in a case of “structural inattention.” This failure of civil–military relations derives from institutional factors such as the nature and composition of the White House staff, as well as from the administration’s pragmatic rather than strategic approach to China. It has also been facilitated by “subterranean factors” including the interests of influential military contractors and the military’s own inclination toward conventional warfare.
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| 4 |
ID:
145400
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Although some analysts have emphasized the importance of China's becoming a “responsible stakeholder” in the international order, the United States has in effect blocked China's full participation in a range of existing international institutions and attempted to undermine China's efforts to create and lead new international institutions. In this article I examine those US efforts, particularly with regard to the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, where the United States attempted to block other states from becoming members. I explore the difference between multifaceted and aggression-limiting containment and propose that the United States apply the latter to help stabilize Sino-US relations.
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| 5 |
ID:
108377
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Commentators in the Western media, the United States Congress and academia are increasingly contending that China is on its way to becoming a threatening global force, an adversary, if not an enemy. This article examines whether those views are justified, after first establishing the importance of critically assessing all claims that a nation is turning into an adversary. The examination proceeds by summarizing the arguments of those who consider China an adversary in the making - the 'adversarians' - and the responses of those who hold China is leaning toward a peaceful development and should be engaged - the 'engagers'. The discussion is organized into three segments, each analyzing the debate with regard to the different sectors of power: military/geopolitical, economic and ideational. The concluding sections explore alternative American responses to China's rising power in each of the three sectors.
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| 6 |
ID:
177913
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| Summary/Abstract |
Based on the records of these three countries, liberal–communitarian values have acquitted themselves well during a major international health crisis
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| 7 |
ID:
105586
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| 8 |
ID:
101263
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| 9 |
ID:
141133
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One is reluctant to publish an essay that suggests that the families who lost their loved ones in Afghanistan and Iraq (as well as in Vietnam) – and the even larger numbers who have been maimed there – made these sacrifices in vain. As a former combatant, I know this grief closely. However, a clear-eyed view might prevent even more bloodshed and grief. And so, with much sadness, it must be observed that these sacrifices did not serve to bring about liberal-democratic, pro-Western regimes in these and other nations in the Middle East and Africa. Nor did these sacrifices make the United States safer or contribute to world peace. It is time to lay to rest the 100-year-old Wilsonian drive to democratise the world. Once we let go of that seductive but false hope, we will see the radical changes that can and must be made in US foreign policy and in that of its allies.
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| 10 |
ID:
031008
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| Publication |
New York, Gordon and Breach Science Publishers, 1970.
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| Description |
xii, 108p.
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| Series |
Monographs in sociology
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 009647 | 323.440973/ETZ 009647 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 11 |
ID:
060278
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Winter 2004-05.
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| 12 |
ID:
123639
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| 13 |
ID:
146881
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| Summary/Abstract |
In line with its “Freedom of Navigation” program, the United States conducts “operational assertions” by sending naval vessels to violate what it considers to be the excessive maritime claims of other states. Efforts have been made to legitimate this program to the public and elected officials on both liberal and realist grounds: Freedom of navigation is an important component of the liberal international order while also central to the exercise of U.S. naval power. However, it does not follow that military assertions, which create a security risk and are inconsistent with liberal principles, should take precedence over diplomatic and multilateral steps. Rather, the program has faced little scrutiny to date due to its relative obscurity.
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| 14 |
ID:
062363
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| Publication |
New York, Palgrave Macmillan, 2005.
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| Description |
258p.
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| Standard Number |
1403965358
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 049732 | 327.73/ETZ 049732 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 15 |
ID:
079824
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| Publication |
London, Palgrave Macmillan, 2004.
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| Description |
xii, 258p.
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| Standard Number |
1403965358
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 052600 | 327.73/ETZ 052600 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 16 |
ID:
181719
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article uses the sociological/philosophical theory of liberal communitarianism to analyze existing trends in global affairs. The European Union (EU) has often erred by expanding its missions without also recognizing the pull of nationalism and conducting community-building to strengthen the bonds among member nations. EU nations and countries around the world are retreating to nationalism. Rather than bringing the world together to fight a common enemy, the COVID-19 crisis has accelerated these global trends. The rise of nationalism has not increased domestic cohesion, but has led to high levels of domestic polarization. International communities seem a long way off, and the world order in the near future may depend to a considerable extent on whether the United States will permit China to increase its influence in the Western Pacific, which would allow for collaboration on most other matters.
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| 17 |
ID:
074075
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2006.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In contrast to the claim that the most significant fault line in contemporary global affairs is between the civilisation of the West and all others, this essay argues that the schism between those who advance their values through violence and those who rely on persuasion, both of which are present in all civilisations, is the greatest source of conflict in the post-Cold-War era. Moderates come in many stripes: some are liberal, such as Reform Jews and Social Democrats, while most others are illiberal, including many Muslim religious leaders. All moderates, however, share in common a principled rejection of violence. Polls and reports from around the world bear out that a conviction of the value of persuasion over coercion does not depend on faith in democracy or secularism. The West should ally itself with such moderates, no matter how liberal or illiberal their orientation.
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| 18 |
ID:
081488
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The following is an exchange concerning the concept of 'illiberal moderates' and its implications for a new global architecture as well as for a worldview that sees the evolution of a global core of shared values which favour domestic and international security, in sharp contrast to the 'clash of civilizations' thesis. The original statement was published in the Cambridge Review of International Affairs (Etzioni 2006). A more extensive treatment can be found in Part III of Security first: for a muscular, moral foreign policy (Etzioni 2007b), which examines texts of four religious and two secular belief systems as well as review of relevant public opinion polls and 'traveller notes'. Here follows a brief summary of the main thesis, followed by comments from prominent scholars and Etzioni's response to these comments.
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| 19 |
ID:
081990
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Although long championed, a global language has not come to fruition despite considerable efforts. Many fear that such a language would undermine the particularistic, identity-constituting primary languages of local and national communities. These concerns can be addressed at least in part by utilizing a two-tiered approach in which efforts to protect primary languages are intensified at the same time that a global language is adopted as an additional language and not as a substitutive one. Although the U.N. or some other such global organization could, theoretically, choose a language to serve as the global language, English is already (and increasingly) occupying this position as a result of the colonial period and post-colonial developments. In this respect, English is compared to the development of the railroad system in the United States, which although introduced at considerable human costs by overpowering corporations, later became an integral part of the economy and society. Whether English should be adopted as a second language, or as a third or fourth one, is heavily influenced by the level of difficulty involved-the labor to fluency ratio-in acquiring a new language
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| 20 |
ID:
105437
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Whether China is a responsible stakeholder is evaluated from employing three sets of standards: normative, 'aspirational' standards (i.e. those that make a good community member and an upstanding citizen); rational choice (is China acting in line with shared or complementary self-interest?); and power analysis (whether China is upsetting an established world order or contributing to the formation of a new one?). In the process, this article examines both China and the standards themselves.
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