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| 1 |
ID:
038455
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| Publication |
Sussex, Armament & Disarmaments Information Unit, 1985.
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| Description |
81p.
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| Series |
ADIU occasional paper; no.3
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 027224 | 355.0335940/CLA 027224 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 2 |
ID:
172065
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article seeks to contribute to ongoing debates about the causes and consequences of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). It argues via a neoclassical realist analysis that BRI can be seen as the product of the convergence of Aussenpolitik (foreign policy) and Innenpolitik (domestic politics) factors in China’s grand strategy, specifically enduring desires to balance against American primacy and to secure China’s frontier regions such as the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR). The article concludes that the intersection of these objectives with the geopolitical logic of BRI (i.e. combating American primacy in the maritime domain of the Indo-Pacific through China-led Eurasian integration) provides an explanation for the timing and intensity of Beijing’s imposition of a pervasive ‘security state’ in Xinjiang.
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| 3 |
ID:
145954
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| Summary/Abstract |
China's Eurasian frontiers have emerged as a major factor in Beijing's foreign policy through President Xi Jinping's “One Belt, One Road” strategy. The article argues that this strategy has been given impetus by the shifting geopolitical landscape in Central Asia resulting from the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan, Russia's relative decline, and Beijing's quest for stability in its restive province of Xinjiang.
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| 4 |
ID:
005061
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| Publication |
London, Brassey's, 1993.
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| Description |
xxv,244p.
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| Standard Number |
1857530888
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 036090 | 355.00941/CLA 036090 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 5 |
ID:
004768
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| Publication |
Houndmills, Macmillan, 1992.
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| Description |
xi, 353p.
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| Standard Number |
0333570561
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 035496 | 327.42/CLA 035496 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 6 |
ID:
109557
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| 7 |
ID:
149233
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| 8 |
ID:
142180
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| Summary/Abstract |
Over a decade ago Dru C. Gladney argued that China faced the prospect of Xinjiang (or East Turkestan as many Uyghurs would prefer it) becoming its own West Bank if it failed to address the problems stemming from its forceful attempts to integrate the region. In a neat summation of Beijing's core dilemma, he suggested, “If China does not explore other options besides repression, restriction and investment, millions of Uyghur Muslims might become disenfranchised, encouraging some to look to the intifada, the Taliban or al-Qaeda for inspiration.” Chinese dissident Wang Lixiong in his 2007 book, My West China: Your East Turkestan, also pointed to the likely “Palestinization” of conflict in Xinjiang in which “the full mobilization of a people and the full extent of its hatred” would be directed against the state.
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| 9 |
ID:
089674
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| Publication |
London, Routledge, 2009.
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| Description |
xii, 194p.
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| Standard Number |
9780415453172
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 054283 | 951.0206/MAC 054283 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 10 |
ID:
096684
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper argues that Beiijing's handling of the Xinjiang and Uyghur issues at the domestic, regional and international levels is characterised by a number of contradictions. Domestically, the July 2009 unrest suggests that China's longstanding approach to Xinjiang is at risk of failure due to the contradictions inherent in the logic that underpins Beijing's strategy. Regionally, Beijing faces a contradiction between its growing influence on the governments of Central Asia and the ambivalent attitude of Central Asian publics towards China. Internationally, the major implication of the July unrest has been to signal the internationalisation of the Uyghur issue whereby it has become a significant irritant in Beijing's relations with a number of major Western states, including the USA and Australia. It has been Beijing's own approach to Xinjiang domestically and its handling of the Uyghur issue in its diplomacy that has contributed to the internationalisation of the issue.
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| 11 |
ID:
081504
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| Publication |
2008.
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The paper argues that violent Uighur separatism and terrorism conforms in a number of important respects to the human security theory of terrorism, particularly in the realm of political and civil rights. However, it argues that impetus has been given to the various separatist organisations in the region by the development of interconnections between the largely internal aspects of China's policy of integration in the region and the wider Central and South Asian dynamic of Islamic radicalism since 1990
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| 12 |
ID:
170149
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article explores the development and application of the People’s Republic of China’s
information warfare (IW) strategy to two distinct security challenges: the South China Sea and the
threat of Uyghur terrorism in Xinjiang. The application of China’s IW strategy in the South China
Sea dispute demonstrates that, in contrast to Western understandings whereby IW is seen as an adjunct
to more kinetic strategies of conflict, China’s conception of IW is not just relevant in times of conflict
or crisis, but applicable across the peacetime-crisis-war spectrum. The application of aspects of the
“three warfares” in Xinjiang meanwhile demonstrates China’s blurring of the lines between “national
security” and “regime security.”
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| 13 |
ID:
119082
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2013.
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Recent commentary on China's approach to Afghanistan has argued that it is either driven by opportunistic "free riding" on US-NATO efforts or a fundamental caution determined by security concerns in its restive province of Xinjiang. In contrast, this paper argues that China has three primary goals with respect to Afghanistan that mirror those toward the other states in "Greater Central Asia": (1) to ensure the security of Xinjiang; (2) to secure the development of greater economic links, including investment in natural resources; and (3) to combat the influence of the United States and India.
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| 14 |
ID:
066889
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| 15 |
ID:
130530
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| Publication |
2014.
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The eastern Mediterranean, and particularly Cyprus, had been set for some sort of international crisis throughout 2013. Many tense situations become spring loaded by their circumstances, and no one can predict what, if anything, might set them off. But in the politics of the eastern Mediterranean, there are so many hefty mice at large that it is increasingly likely that at least one of the them will run across the pressure plate, probably sooner rather than later. The fact is that Cyprus finds itself caught in the shockwaves of a number of upheavals in the Middle East and in Europe and in the increasingly fraught politics of the eastern Mediterranean itself-and at a time when the Cypriot government is least able to operate independently and navigate its own diplomacy in its own national interests.
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| 16 |
ID:
151434
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| 17 |
ID:
051443
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| 18 |
ID:
156940
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the wellsprings of Donald Trump's nascent foreign policy program. It argues that the locus of the Republican president's foreign policy agenda is found within the Jacksonian tradition of American foreign policy identified by Walter Russell Mead. Here, notions of “national honor” and “reputation” are the driving factors that underpin Trump's emerging narrative. The implications of this for U.S. strategic and defense policy may be an enhanced reliance on nuclear deterrence and the downgrading of the U.S. military's forward posture in Asia and the Middle East.
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| 19 |
ID:
140943
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| Summary/Abstract |
When wars come to an end, even a decisive military victory does not necessarily translate into a decisive political outcome. Michael Clarke reflects on the nature of international warfare, systemic change, and the difficulties of defining with any clarity the outlines of ‘victory’ and ‘defeat’, especially in political terms.
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| 20 |
ID:
027139
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| Publication |
London, George Allen & Unwin, 1985.
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| Description |
195p.
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| Standard Number |
0043510671
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 025627 | 327.1/SMI 025627 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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