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| 1 |
ID:
128430
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
As the Soviet Union disintegrated, ending on the ash heap of history in 1989-91, all the institutes for the study of Marxism-Leninism that had justified the regime, the collected and selected works of the communist classics, and the Marxism chairs in academies and universities also disappeared. From this void emerged a burning question: What was the raison d'être of the existing political system? And later, how did the new regime justify itself in the field of foreign and domestic affairs, and what was its social and economic policy? For the answers, Vladimir Putin and his followers went back to the future. Russia's official ideology prior to 1917 was Pravoslavie, Samoderzhavie,Narodnost, which has been translated as Orthodoxy, Autocracy, Nationality. This statement was made first by Sergei Uvarov, the Russian minister of education, in a circular letter in 1833. Uvarov was a learned man who also served as president of the Russian Academy of Sciences. No one had asked Uvarov to prepare such an official binding declaration. However, Czar Nicholas I liked this "triad," as it was called, even though its meaning was by no means always clear.
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| 2 |
ID:
078165
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| 3 |
ID:
117368
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2012.
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IN ANTIQUITY, all armies had listening sentries who put ears to the ground to discern the stamping of hooves of an approaching enemy; later, they were monitoring radio exchange or trying to catch the noise of approaching airplanes. Today, it looks like the fast changing world is missing such real pros. However, there is no shortage of fortune tellers, soothsayers and financial analysts who are no better than psychics and astrologists.
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| 4 |
ID:
181524
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Alexei Navalny has been the most prominent campaigner against Russia’s massive oil-fueled corruption, reaching millions of viewers with witty video exposés. Now imprisoned in a penal colony after returning to Moscow following his recovery from a poisoning, he has made his own bodily suffering a potent symbol of protest, tapping into a deep Russian tradition of dissent.
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| 5 |
ID:
184590
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Russia's aggression against Ukraine demonstrates that, for Moscow, the use of military power has always only been an extension of diplomacy and a tool for pursuing pure national interests. Diplomatic measures attempted by the whole world did not yield any results. It is now clear more than ever that President Vladimir Putin's Russia is ready to counteract imaginary threats even using such extreme measures as war. For Poles, the Russian government's rhetoric is gruesomely reminiscent of 1939 when the Soviet Union, together with Nazi Germany, invaded Poland. It also explains why Poland stands so firmly in solidarity with Ukraine today.
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| 6 |
ID:
127167
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| 7 |
ID:
187981
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| Summary/Abstract |
When Russia invaded Ukraine, South Korea’s initial response was cautious. While criticizing Moscow’s actions, the Moon administration also indicated it would join any multilateral sanctions effort but would not impose its own unilateral sanctions as the United States, the European Union, and other Western democracies had done. After receiving internal and external criticism along with the likelihood of economic repercussions for not imposing its own sanctions, South Korea changed course and altered its hedging strategy toward a more robust response to Russian aggression. The war forced South Korea to reassess its relationship with Russia, and despite landing on Moscow’s list of “unfriendly” states, determined that its long-term interests were better served by altering its ties with Russia in favor of greater alignment with other liberal democracies.
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| 8 |
ID:
121569
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
VISITING MOSCOW during his first international trip as China's new president in March, Xi Jinping told his counterpart, Vladimir Putin, that Beijing and Moscow should "resolutely support each other in efforts to protect national sovereignty, security and development interests." He also promised to "closely coordinate in international regional affairs." Putin reciprocated by saying that "the strategic partnership between us is of great importance on both a bilateral and global scale." While the two leaders' summit rhetoric may have outpaced reality in some areas, Americans should carefully assess the Chinese-Russian relationship, its implications for the United States and our options in responding.
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| 9 |
ID:
132144
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Ukraine is lost. At least lost as many of us had once imagined it-as a potential member of the European Union and, perhaps one day, of NATO. Thank the Kremlin's visionary leader for that. It's striking how confidently and quickly Russian President Vladimir Putin gobbled up Crimea. Although it was a clear-cut case of unprovoked aggression, followed by annexation, the United States and its allies were unable to lift a finger.
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| 10 |
ID:
108197
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| 11 |
ID:
112808
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| Publication |
2012.
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THE ESTABLISHMENT OF BRICS initiated by the President of the Russian Federation Vladimir Putin in 2006 has been one of the most significant geopolitical events since the beginning of the new century. The group has shortly become a powerful factor influencing world politics and economy.
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| 12 |
ID:
117366
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
RUSSIA'S FOREIGN POLICY, determined by the President, is carried out on the basis of the Concept of Foreign Policy (last revised: 2008). The concept articulates the following main goals that guide its foreign policy activities, a mega task for which is to aid internal development by foreign policy resources. So it was under Peter I, under Alexander II and so the question stands at present.
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| 13 |
ID:
125343
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| Publication |
2013.
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Putin's efforts to reassert his leadership have created new problems while merely sweeping old ones under the rug.
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| 14 |
ID:
123901
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| Publication |
2013.
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AS STATED IN THE DECREES issued by President Vladimir Putin on May 7, 2012,1 as well as in Russia's national programs and other official documents currently in force,2 the tasks of modernization and innovative development of the Russian economy call for a carefully built policy of engagement with the international institutions, which exert a growing influence on the creation of the external conditions for the realization of the goals. This is becoming particularly relevant amid a deep economic crisis superimposed on the long-term processes of shifts of economic power in the global economy and amid external risks and uncertainty caused by this growth.
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| 15 |
ID:
084650
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| 16 |
ID:
106283
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| 17 |
ID:
104791
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| 18 |
ID:
186372
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In The Twilight Struggle, diplomatic historian Hal Brands urges readers to revisit Cold War history to gain vital insights and lessons regarding the United States’ unfolding geopolitical and ideological competition with Russia and China, which he sees as unfolding in the ‘no-man’s land between peace and war’. The author does not believe that the Cold War is a perfect facsimile of today’s fraught global environment, but the struggles of the twentieth century are nonetheless startlingly similar, not least because the threats of failure, decline and even annihilation are as acute today as they were then. Brands’s timely book details the strategies employed by America’s Cold Warriors in their contest with the Soviet Union, suggesting that they remain relevant today. The question is whether the United States and the West are willing and able to heed the author’s warning and act accordingly.
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| 19 |
ID:
122829
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| Publication |
2013.
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In 2007, the Russian government instituted quotas for immigrant work permits that were consistently lower than actual labour demand. While low quotas are politically popular on the mass level, this article argues that low quotas are also a tool of the government to distribute patronage resources to regional political and economic elites. For several years after quotas were instituted, they remained quite controversial, and during this time decisions about them were firmly in the hands of Vladimir Putin, first as president and then as prime minister, giving him a powerful tool to control the immigration process and labour market manually. While this type of manual control is effective in the short term to manage contentious policy arenas, it suffers a number of possible long-term consequences.
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| 20 |
ID:
122106
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Imagine a country with a heroin problem. It has millions of people who have used the drug and an entrenched underclass of dealers and suppliers. Because heroin users like to inject the drug intravenously, regardless of how old or contaminated their syringes may be, this country has also developed an AIDS problem. It is in fact facing two epidemics: one of heroin use, the other of HIV/AIDS.
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