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| 1 |
ID:
113158
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Money, sex, murder, conspiracy: the Bo Xilai affair has all the makings of a political thriller. But there is nothing fictional about the reality show currently unfolding before the eyes of 1.3 billion people in China. The significance of this drama for China's future should not be underestimated. International media coverage ofthe affair has missed a crucial point: scandalous as it may be, Bo's downfall may have opened a window of opportunity for reform-minded Chinese leaders to build consensus for launching serious political reforms. Bo himself is facing accusations of corruption, at least for now, but the real issue goes beyond the need to crack down on corruption among party officials, which is so widespread that the very foundation of the Communist Party's rule is threatened.
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| 2 |
ID:
115193
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Obama administration seems to have toned down its rhetoric on Asia-Pacific security, abandoning the fancy but problematic phrase 'pivot towards Asia' and replacing it with the more prosaic 'rebalancing'. This does not mean the content of US policy is very different. On the contrary, the Obama administration continues its military build-up in the region, aiming at a military posture that can only be described as 'absolute superiority'. Over the past two years, Washington has put together a comprehensive 'containment' package in Asia that includes a new military doctrine of air-sea battle; launched a game-changing economic project called the Trans-Pacific Partnership; initiated the 'rotation' of US marines in Australia; and stationed coastal battleships in Singapore. More alarmingly, the United States is making clear attempts to re-establish a naval presence in Subic Bay in the Philippines, and in the coveted Cam Ranh Bay in Vietnam. Both were key US naval bases during the Cold War.
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| 3 |
ID:
160141
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Catholic Church appears to be the only Western actor able to grasp the meaning of China's self-restoration.
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| 4 |
ID:
052429
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| Publication |
2004.
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| Description |
p109-121
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| Summary/Abstract |
An unexpected side-effect of the war in Iraq was to ease China's integration into the global mainstream. The US-led war triggered an anti-war 'entente active' of four major powers: France, Germany, Russia and China. For the first time in history, no major geopolitical conflict divides the powers of the Eurasian mainland. Three new strategic links have arisen - the Sino-Russian strategic partnership; the EU 'Common Strategy towards Russia'; and what the EU and China are explicitly describing as 'strategic' cooperation - built with transparency, little fanfare and no declared common enemy. These developments will undermine the unipolar world that the United States is attempting to construct. At the same time, and quite remarkably, China is being drawn into a continental orientation. After years of hesitation, China's grand strategy of 'peaceful rise' has potential to be fulfilled on the Eurasian continent.
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| 5 |
ID:
051688
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| Publication |
Geneve, PSIS, 1999.
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| Description |
46p.
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| Series |
PSIS occassional paper; no.3
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 042315 | 355.00951/XIA 042315 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 6 |
ID:
062328
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| Publication |
2005.
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| Description |
p215-232
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| Summary/Abstract |
In April 2005 the long-running animosities between China and Japan erupted in a wave of anti-Japanese protests in Shanghai, Be?ing and other Chinese cities. Japan reacted angrily. The protests subsided, but the disputes are unresolved over Tokyo’ bid for a permanent seat on the UN Security Council, the treatment of Second World War history, the Japanese prime minister’ visits to a shrine honouring Japan’ war dead (including 14 Class A war criminals), and more contemporary strategic tensions. Some weeks before the latest eruption, two old friends – Lanxin Xiang, a Chinese professor of history at the Graduate Institute of International Studies in Geneva; and Akira Chiba, assistant press secretary at the Japanese Foreign Ministry – engaged in a lengthy e-mail exchange to discuss their worries about the direction of Sino-Japanese relations. An edited version of their exchange appears below. (Some of the discussion involves Chinese and Japanese words and the ideographs used to represent them; to distinguish the ideographs from the words themselves, the former are in small caps.)
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| 7 |
ID:
180382
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| Summary/Abstract |
For the US to try to defuse its domestic crisis by redirecting racist sentiments against China would be a grave political and strategic mistake.
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| 8 |
ID:
020061
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| Publication |
2001.
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| Description |
p7-30
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| 9 |
ID:
145199
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| Summary/Abstract |
Xi Jinping has never liked the popular Western phrase, ‘the rise of China’. He prefers China’s ‘restoration’ (fuxing) – describing an arc of recovery after the century-long free fall following the Opium Wars. Despite Xi’s ambitious project of cultural restoration, however, the People’s Republic of China is facing its most serious legitimacy crisis since its founding in 1949. At first glance this seems counter-intuitive, given that the Chinese Communist Party has pulled off one of the greatest achievements in world economic history. Yet political order based on the one-party system is under strain.
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