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| 1 |
ID:
086676
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The state-building endeavor in Afghanistan came to the brink in 2008 with the Taliban insurgency taking control of some southern districts, high poppy production fueling the illicit economy, widespread charges of corruption, and a looming humanitarian disaster. Afghans increasingly became disillusioned by high civilian casualties and the government's failure to provide improved socioeconomic conditions. By year's end, there was also increased pressure for negotiations with moderate Taliban elements.
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| 2 |
ID:
171009
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| Summary/Abstract |
What are the effects of foreign security assistance on the quality of the peace in post-conflict countries? Despite the stakes, and the tremendous amount of weaponry and other forms of foreign military aid flowing to governments of post-conflict countries, the academic literature provides little guidance as to what effects policymakers and practitioners should expect from this type of aid. Military assistance provided to the government of a country emerging from the turmoil of civil war could enable the state to establish a monopoly on the legitimate use of force, leading to a more durable peace and greater human security. However, we contend that significant flows of military aid and weapons from foreign governments may encourage regimes to adopt more repressive approaches to governance. We investigate the impact of security assistance on human rights conditions after 171 internal armed conflicts that ended between 1956 and 2012 using a novel measure of military aid and an instrumented measure of weapons transfers. We find strong evidence that both military aid and arms transfers to post-conflict governments increase state repression.
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| 3 |
ID:
149494
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This article conceptualises the institutional narrative of the reconstruction of Stari Most (Old Bridge), regarded as an international symbol of reconciliation in Mostar, Bosnia–Herzegovina, as a staged reconciliation of the city. Constructed during Ottoman occupation Stari Most became a signifier of Mostar and was central to the growth of the city. Stari Most was destroyed in 1993 during the Bosnian war; restoration began five years following, and the bridge alongside Stari Grad (Old Town) was reopened as a United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) heritage site in 2004. UNESCO began operating in 1945 on the grounds that ‘peace must be established on the basis of humanity’s moral and intellectual solidarity’, based on a collaborative effort to celebrate diversity and innovation. In this article I conceptualise Stari Most as a stage of memory through identifying, firstly, the institutional staging of the reconstruction as a structure which ‘bridges’ divides, and secondly, the institutional narrative of the bridge as a symbolically reconciling structure, in a city which remains divided.
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| 4 |
ID:
080760
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2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Most interventions by outside forces to promote democracy in post-conflict states since WWII have failed. The most successful were in societies, such as Germany and Japan, featuring relatively high per capita GNP and diversified middle class economies. Among societies in general, prospects for democracy tend to diminish as per capita GNP decreases. The effects of conflict make democracy promotion considerably more difficult, particularly when poorer societies are plagued by weak institutions, corruption, religious extremism and ethnic, religious or factional animosities. Even if outsiders are able to control violence and actively promote democracy, success will depend on the underlying political culture and willingness of key political actors to play by democratic rules once the outsiders have gone. Hence, outsiders need to develop the best possible understanding of their prospects for success before committing to intervention, particularly when the resource demands are likely to be high.
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| 5 |
ID:
067308
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| 6 |
ID:
068212
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| 7 |
ID:
069329
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| 8 |
ID:
081986
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Scholars and practitioners of international relations have devoted increasing attention to how cease-fires, once achieved, may be translated into sustained peace. In recent years, the United Nations, the World Bank, and the United States and other governments have revamped their institutional architecture for addressing post-conflict reconstruction and peacebuilding. The creation in 2006 of a UN Peacebuilding Commission exemplifies these changes. The relationship between weak states and the durability of peace has acquired new emphasis in IR research. This article analyzes recent conceptual developments in post-conflict peacebuilding, relating them to new thinking about fragile states. It then analyzes the international architecture for addressing post-conflict peacebuilding, identifying gaps, and analyzing likely policy challenges in the near future. We argue that despite important analytic insights and institutional changes, serious challenges persist in efforts to prevent wars from recurring.
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| 9 |
ID:
097085
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| 10 |
ID:
081232
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Post-conflict stability remains an elusive goal for many African countries. The political and socioeconomic preconditions of African civil wars have often persisted after the end of open hostilities and have frustrated regional and international efforts at peace building. The growing role of non-state armed groups in post-conflict governments raises further questions on the important role of guerilla groups in either exacerbating or ameliorating the 'structural' preconditions of protracted African wars. The cases of Liberia, Uganda and Rwanda offer important insights on the complex interplay between armed groups and governments that underlie these conflicts. All three countries have been marked by devastating civil wars and the subsequent formation of post-conflict governments led by respective insurgent groups, but only Rwanda and Uganda have made any effort to mitigate the conditions that ultimately led to intra-state violence and state collapse. While the conflict dynamic may heavily condition an insurgent group, these factors alone do not play a determining role in the success or failure of peace building efforts
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| 11 |
ID:
081576
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The article analyses peacebuilding theories and methods, as applied to justice system reform in post-conflict scenarios. In this respect, the international authorities involved in the reconstruction process may traditionally choose between either a dirigiste or a consent-based approach, representing the essential terms of reference of past interventions. However, features common to most reconstruction missions, and relatively poor results, confirm the need for a change in the overall strategy. This requires international donors to focus more on the 'demand for justice' at local levels than on the traditional supply of financial and technical aid for reforms. The article stresses the need for effectively promoting the 'local ownership' of the reform process, without this expression being merely used by international actors as a political umbrella under which to protect themselves from potential failures
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| 12 |
ID:
081349
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The EU's Peace Programs in Ireland have promoted the cross-border activity of Third sector (voluntary and community) groups. Potentially, such activity gives substantive meaning to regional cross-border governance and helps to ameliorate ethno-national conflict by providing positive sum outcomes for "post-conflict" communities. The paper mobilizes focused research conducted by the authors to explore this potential. It finds that while regional cross-border governance has indeed developed under the Peace Programs, the sustainability of the social partnerships underpinning this governance is uncertain and its significance for conflict resolution is qualified by difficulties experienced in forming a stable power-sharing arrangement at the political-elite level
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| 13 |
ID:
080122
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2007.
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This article is an adapted, narrative version of an expert witness report the author wrote for the Defence of one of the accused before the Special Court for Sierra Leone. The case against the Civil Defence Forces militia was predicated in part on the argument that the CDF was a military organization with military-style command and control. Based on a close reading of the Prosecution's military expert witness report and the author's ethnographic research with the militia, the article outlines a case for understanding the CDF as the militarization of a social network rather than as a military organization. This framing has implications not only for post-conflict adjudication, but for how we think about and intervene in violent contexts throughout contemporary West Africa
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| 14 |
ID:
148293
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| Summary/Abstract |
Anthropological analyses of post conflict narratives reveal how strategic interests mobilize to resolve or perpetuate conflict. Three years after the 2005 Helsinki peace agreement between the Government of Indonesia and the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) that ended GAM’s thirty-year separatist rebellion, the author led a post conflict programming evaluation. Drawing upon qualitative interviews of rural informants for this study and using an anthropological approach to narrative analysis, this article argues that recovery narratives can be understood in terms of official and counter-official discourses, each utilizing strategic resources to amplify their interpretation of an unfolding peace process. Subaltern narratives heard most clearly are empowered because they adhere to narrative conventions proscribed by the peace agreement and other powerful discourses such as GAM’s separatist ideology. Other unrecognized voices are left out; their stories of recovery resist easy interpretation and sidestep clichéd narratives of peace.
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| 15 |
ID:
067305
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| 16 |
ID:
066023
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| 17 |
ID:
076498
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| Publication |
2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Postconflict disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR) of former combatants in Angola, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa, and Zimbabwe aimed at addressing problems of postconflict peace building. Differences among designs and designers of these subregional postconflict cases are well known. An overarching goal was the pursuit of peace and stability through the management of weapons and sustainable reintegration of ex-combatants. In all the different cases, DDR fell short of meeting this target with different impacts. Through an integrative focus sensitive to policy and context, this article draws on these shortcomings to contribute to this rapidly growing and internationally recognized important subfield of international relations.
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| 18 |
ID:
100634
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| 19 |
ID:
083245
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Post-conflict societies face two distinctive challenges: economic recovery and reduction of the risk of a recurring conflict. Aid and policy reforms have been found to be effective in economic recovery. In this article, the authors concentrate on the other challenge - risk reduction. The post-conflict peace is typically fragile: nearly half of all civil wars are due to post-conflict relapses. The authors find that economic development substantially reduces risks, but it takes a long time. They also find evidence that UN peacekeeping expenditures significantly reduce the risk of renewed war. The effect is large: doubling expenditure reduces the risk from 40% to 31%. In contrast to these results, the authors cannot find any systematic influence of elections on the reduction of war risk. Therefore, post-conflict elections should be promoted as intrinsically desirable rather than as mechanisms for increasing the durability of the post-conflict peace. Based on these results, the authors suggest that peace appears to depend upon an external military presence sustaining a gradual economic recovery, with political design playing a somewhat subsidiary role. Since there is a relationship between the severity of post-conflict risks and the level of income at the end of the conflict, this provides a clear and uncontroversial principle for resource allocation: resources per capita should be approximately inversely proportional to the level of income in the post-conflict country.
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| 20 |
ID:
069005
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