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| 1 |
ID:
142409
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| 2 |
ID:
110168
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| 3 |
ID:
119315
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| 4 |
ID:
178057
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| Summary/Abstract |
The cultural, legal, budgetary, infrastructural, and logistical processes through which the contemporary space race unfolds have measurable environmental footprints on Earth and in outer space. The question of where these footprints fall is arbitrated by larger questions of geopolitical power and vulnerability, which means that human engagement with outer space is also a question of environmental justice. On Earth, environmental (in)justice unfolds on multiple scales: local and stratospheric emissions from space launches, the placement of outer space related infrastructure in so-called peripheral places, and the role of power in determining whether the use of such infrastructure aids socio-environmentally constructive or destructive practices. Beyond Earth, the environmental geopolitics are likewise multiscalar, manifesting in contemporary pollution issues such as orbital debris and conservation debates such as planetary protection protocols. The environmental geopolitics of Earth and outer space are inextricably linked by the spatial politics of privilege and the imposition of sacrifice – among people, places, and institutions. This paper explores the concept of outer space environments through classical, critical, environmental, and feminist geopolitical theories.
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| 5 |
ID:
111631
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article argues that a hypothetical decision by the People's Republic of China to assert territorial sovereignty over the area surrounding its planned manned Moon base is plausible. Enhanced international prestige in the near term and access to natural resources and strategic military positions in the long term may be sufficient temptations for China's leaders to challenge the United States to a twenty-first century space race. Strategic surprise could be successfully employed, given the opacity of Chinese decision-making; the conceptual blindness of external observers, including decision-makers, analysts, and academics; and China's repeatedly demonstrated capacity for executing military or diplomatic surprises of comparable magnitude. The ability of signatory states to withdraw from the 1967 Outer Space Treaty with one-year's notice means that international law only poses a temporary obstacle to such a decision. A manned Moon base would fulfill the condition of effective occupation necessary for territorial sovereignty under international law. An international relations constructivist approach discourages consideration of the advantages to states of territorial aggrandizement or the weakness of international law in restraining the behavior of states.
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| 6 |
ID:
051908
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| 7 |
ID:
119887
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In 1964, Arthur C. Clarke perceptively noted that "one day, we may have brain surgeons in Edinburgh operating on patients in New Zealand. When that time comes, the whole world would've shrunk to a point and the traditional role of the city as a meeting place for men would've ceased to make any sense. In fact, men will no longer commute-they will communicate." Clarke's comment predicts rather accurately some of the achievements in man's outer space activities since the Sputnik launch in 1957 and the signature of the Outer Space Treaty in 1967.
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| 8 |
ID:
100638
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Asia's rising powers are developing indigenous space programmes at a startling pace. Though some hedging behaviour is apparent, most are designed to bolster technological autonomy and augment national prestige. Nevertheless, China and India are both pursuing anti-satellite capabilities. Not yet a full-blown race, both competition and cooperation is possible between Asia's giants.
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| 9 |
ID:
176412
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| 10 |
ID:
168080
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| 11 |
ID:
155971
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| 12 |
ID:
137984
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| Summary/Abstract |
Recent conflicts around the world have pundits anticipating WWIII; however, the next global-scale conflict could be space-based.
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