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| 1 |
ID:
141593
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| Summary/Abstract |
Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s foreign policy has been credited with more achievements than the NDA government’s policies to turnaround the Indian economy. What is so distinctive about his foreign policy? Has he blazed a different trail from his predecessor, Dr Manmohan Singh? Economic diplomacy is a forte they have in common. Both enjoy their foreign travels. During his first year in office, PM Modi visited 17 countries and spent 53 days abroad. This is not very different from Dr Singh’s frequent flyer miles during UPA-11 when he visited 12 countries and spent 47 days outside
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| 2 |
ID:
122499
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Konark publishers Pvt.Ltd., 2013.
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| Description |
xxxi, 382p.Hbk
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| Standard Number |
9789322008215
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 057378 | 327.54051/CHU 057378 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 3 |
ID:
167269
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| 4 |
ID:
121651
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| 5 |
ID:
156562
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| Summary/Abstract |
The issue of regional cooperation and establishment of a regional organization had been an important attribute of Southeast Asia since early 1960s. After years of conflict and turmoil, the natural craving for peace provided the immediate impetus for regional cooperation which was ultimately formalized with the establishment of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) on 8 August 1967 in Bangkok with the five original member countries namely Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand and the Philippines.
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| 6 |
ID:
131303
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Geetika Publishers, 2012.
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| Description |
lxii, 552p.Hbk
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| Standard Number |
9789381417133
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 057796 | 327.59054/BHA 057796 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 7 |
ID:
049124
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| Publication |
DelhI, Konark Publishers, 1998.
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| Description |
xxi, 393p.Hbk
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| Standard Number |
8122004997
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Copies: C:2/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 039182 | 327.5405493/DIX 039182 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
| 058263 | 327.5405493/DIX 058263 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 8 |
ID:
183859
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| Summary/Abstract |
John Maynard Keynes proposed the concept of ‘Bancor’ in 1940 as a supranational currency that would serve as the international reserve currency. The concept did not take off at the time, despite the underlying need to liberate the international system from the hegemonic tendencies of a national currency serving as a global medium of exchange. The emergence of Bitcoin makes it possible to revive the idea of a de-nationalised global medium of exchange. This article examines the feasibility of such an idea by examining a viable state policy for adoption and use in the international realm.
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| 9 |
ID:
125322
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The acronym BRICs, coined by Jim O'Neill, chief economist of Goldman Sachs in 2001 so as to describe the anatomy of four largest developing economies of the world - Brazil, Russia, India and China has graduated to a new level after inclusion of The Republic of South Africa in 2010. With this latest entry, BRICS has developed into one of the strangest and an impressive group in recent years of global politics.
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| 10 |
ID:
184877
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| 11 |
ID:
142128
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| Summary/Abstract |
Undoubtedly, Modi’s international engagements were a continuation of India’s foreign policy under the preceding UPA government led by Congress. But he injected a new energy into the relationships with neighbours like Bhutan and Nepal, and major powers like China and the US. The present political leadership has made clear to the immediate neighbourhood that India is ready to share its prosperity because the policy makers understand peace could be established only through prosperity and would enhance constructive engagement and a more integrated and inter-connected sub-continent. Modi rather than making India a marginal receiver of the dispensation of the international system has lifted India’s status as one of the dispensation of the international system.
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| 12 |
ID:
162989
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| Summary/Abstract |
India has become the rising super power in the world politics and so its nitration with the international community has special significance in the economic, social, cultural and political development of the nation. India’s involvement in the process of globalization was a calculated risk but today it has dipped in the depth of this new model of economic development. When we adopted Liberalization, Privatization, and Globalization for the speedy development and to overcome the balance of payment crisis, we did not have any option except to adopt it and even present day India has the same compulsion.
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| 13 |
ID:
161447
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| Summary/Abstract |
India's relations with the Gulf countries started to flourish in the 1990s after India succeeded in de-hyphenating Pakistan from its policy toward the Gulf. Though Pakistan remained a factor as it continued to raise Kashmir and internal situation in India at multilateral forums such as OIC to evoke anti-India sentiments, it did not remain an underlying factor in as was the case during the Cold War era. In the contemporary dynamics, when India-Gulf relations are progressing toward strategic partnerships, Pakistan has re-emerged as a factor but its nature has changed. As highlighted in the joint statements issued during the Prime Minister Narendra Modi's visits to the Gulf countries since May 2014, India can now put pressure on Pakistan by highlighting its policy of sponsoring terrorism. This was evident when the Arab Gulf countries condemned the Pathankot (January 2016) and Uri (September 2016) terrorist attacks. India's relations with the Arab Gulf and other Middle Eastern countries are independent of their engagements with Pakistan and India-Pakistan tension, but New Delhi has stepped up efforts to raise the issue of cross-border terrorism and use of religion to incite terror activities against India during its engagements with these countries. It underlines the growing convergence between India and Arab Gulf countries over regional issues and the ability of India to isolate Pakistan over issues related to terrorism.
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| 14 |
ID:
129692
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Look East policy was initiated in 1991, it marked a strategic shift in India's perspective of the world. It coincided with the beginning of our economic reform process and provided an opportunity for significantly enlarging our economic engagement. At the same time it also encouraged a renewal of linkages with our civilizationnal neighbors in South East and East Asia.
India's look East policy was more than an economic imperative. It was a significant shift in India's vision of the world and her place in the emerging post-Cold war global scenario. In the years to come it will be our endeavour to strengthen political, physical and economic connectivity between India and East Asia and broaden the underpinnings of our quest for peace and prosperity.
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| 15 |
ID:
126742
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| 16 |
ID:
170901
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| Summary/Abstract |
Do Indian regional parties influence foreign policy and under which conditions? Some foreign policy studies have shown that certain coalition-building configurations have facilitated the inclusion of the concerns of small parties in the foreign policy debate. Other works have looked at the role of decentralization and federal power-arrangement in providing more control to political sub-units over the external affairs of a state. Those separate scholarships provide interesting insights to account for the multi-level nature of coalition-building in a federal and pluralistic polity like India. Bridging these two literatures, I argue that the interdependence of regional and national coalition building processes (visible in federal settings) create locked-in alliances between national parties and regional parties which affect foreign policymaking. In these contexts, India’s national parties have to, under certain conditions, take into account the preferences of regional parties when designing foreign policies. This article looks at the hypothesized causal mechanisms and expectations through two illustrative case studies of India’s foreign policy.
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| 17 |
ID:
136749
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Manohar Publishers and Distributors, 2015.
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| Description |
246p.Hbk
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| Standard Number |
9789350980866
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 058122 | 327.54059/NAR 058122 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 18 |
ID:
142132
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| Summary/Abstract |
The contributions of Modi in the field of foreign policy have been his visits to Bhutan and Nepal after becoming the prime minister which was unheard of earlier. That has boosted the Himalayan spheres which were ignored for almost seven decades. His invitation to the heads of these countries for his oath taking ceremony was to continue the trajectory of good friendly relations with neighbours while also removing any apprehensions of these nations against India. He seems to be determined to streamline the sea route of India which became the easy route of terrorist outfits. Moreover he has been trying to connect India with the disconnected part of the world. These factors will pay great dividends in the future if India is sincerely committed to shape a strong strategic culture through its cohesive foreign policy.
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| 19 |
ID:
156569
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| Summary/Abstract |
India’s foreign policy has always been pragmatic with ethical overtones. India’s freedom movement gave impetus to it through ideas that supported anti racism, anti-colonialism and anti-imperialism. These thoughts gave rise to the plank of non-alignment when free
India began to exercise its foreign policy.
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| 20 |
ID:
148570
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| Summary/Abstract |
Now a day it has become a fashion to ride on the bandwagon of neo-liberal line as we get to hear talks in which some neophytes project a kind of weltanschauung that ‘it’s time for us to get our business correct and the benefits would be as much ours as it would be for global corporate capital’. So it’s wisdom to put on corporate identity and India should configure her policies not only domestically but also need to reposition internationally. But if one deeply perceives, the lacuna in this logic would be amply clear. It’s because we cannot just get on simply with business hype when the quality of education and the resultant human resource in India are not simultaneously at par with the surging ambition. India spends very less for R&D. So, the next level of reforms cannot be neo-liberal, rather it ought to promote quality education for building quality man power, for neoliberalism only exposes us to compete but it does not enables to compete well. With this reference point what is being sought to suggest is a crucial need to shift our thinking towards addressing educational and skill exchange programme in our current foreign policy lexicon.
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