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| 1 |
ID:
112492
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
With Nicaragua's Sandinista People's Revolution (1979-90) as an ideological reference point, this paper adopts an historical approach to a theorisation of the contemporary (re)construction of popular power in Latin America and the Caribbean through the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America-Peoples' Trade Agreement (alba-tcp). At the core of the analysis is the Venezuelan government's concept of 'protagonistic revolutionary democracy' which, by drawing on Marxist direct democracy and CB Macpherson's participatory democracy, can be understood as the definitional foundation of the envisioned '21st century socialism'. Mechanisms for the exercise of direct democracy and of participatory democracy promotion are identified at the national and regional scales, through which the alba-tcp emerges as a counter-hegemonic governance regime composed of two dialectically interrelated forces: the 'state-in-revolution' and the 'organised society'. They drive the regionalisation of 'revolutionary democracy', thus (re)constructing popular power in the production of the alba-tcp space.
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| 2 |
ID:
103726
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2011.
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The contemporary dynamics of states, borders, and markets suggest the need for non-traditional methods of regulation and international cooperation in areas such as border inspections and management. The emerging literature on cross-border regions and multi-level governance suggests a framework to understand this development within the general transformation of states under globalisation. To explore these ideas, in this article we focus on the arena of health regulation and the international agricultural and food trade. Multilateral bodies such as the World Trade Organization (WTO), the World Organization for Animal Health (OIE), and the International Plant Protection Convention (IPPC) have endorsed the policy concept of "regionalisation" as a means by which states can preserve trade relations when sanitary (human or animal health) or phytosanitary (plant health) hazards threaten a country's trading status. In this paper, two cases - one historical and one contemporary - illustrate that regionalisation offers a largely functional application of multi-level governance to enhance regulatory and trade capacity. We conclude that governance changes indicated by regionalisation may provide further evidence for the transformation of borders, regions, and states in an era of globalisation.
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| 3 |
ID:
114656
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2012.
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Using a panel data estimation technique, this article examines correlations in party performance in India for political parties that contested legislative assembly and federal parliamentary elections held within the following eighteen months during the period between 1980 and 2009. The results are analysed according to a range of variables, including type of party and voter turnout. The study's finding that, across party types, there is a strong and statistically significant correlation in party performance between the two elections provides empirical corroboration of prior studies that have suggested the existence of enduring linkages between politics at the state and federal levels. It also offers some validation for the popular media's and others' preoccupations with the outcome of legislative assembly elections as indicators of subsequent parliamentary polls.
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| 4 |
ID:
108068
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2011.
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This article examines the institutional and governance effects of regional policy reforms in Romania and Turkey during their respective periods as EU candidate countries. First, the article aims to disentangle the relative impact of EU conditionality in the area of regional policy in two candidate countries from different enlargement rounds. Second, it aims to investigate the outcomes of regional reforms while identifying the factors facilitating these reforms. The findings suggest that regional reform outcomes in Romania and Turkey show striking similarities, despite differences in the credibility of EU conditionality. Therefore, it argues that the constellations of domestic political actors and the existing domestic institutional structures matter more than EU conditionality in explaining the similarity in reform outcomes.
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| 5 |
ID:
158308
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New Delhi, Pentagon Press, 2018.
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| Description |
xiii, 155p.: tableshbk
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| Standard Number |
9789386618269
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 059357 | 327.54051/PAL 059357 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 6 |
ID:
113975
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2012.
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After two waves of important changes in the Chinese system of foreign exchange, one in July 2005, when the Chinese currency was allowed to fluctuate more widely against the US dollar, the other in June 2010, when it was then quoted against an undisclosed basket of currencies, but moreover, was allowed to be partially traded in Hong Kong with the invention of a 'twin', the 'offshore yuan' (CNH), a deep reform could have taken place. The creation of the CNH, allowing debt to be issued internationally in yuan, initially led to the belief that a real set of deep reforms was under way. Yet, like some reforms of the past, which were hesitant or even annulled, the path towards monetary and financial reform is encountering difficulty. The steps taken towards the 'regionalisation' or possibly the 'internationalisation' of the Chinese currency may well be taking the same route. Before the reforms have had time to come to fruition and deliver deep changes, there seems to be some indecisiveness, a sense of relative failure, or at least discovery of the limitations in a process which many, at least at the beginning, believed would be quick and decisive. This article attempts to demonstrate that, like some other Chinese reform processes of the past, the path is not yet very clear and claims of deep changes and unwavering success would be largely premature.
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| 7 |
ID:
052321
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The rhetoric of US foreign policy since the attack on the World Trade Centre in New York on 11 September 2001, would suggest that there has been a fundamental shift in US foreign relations. This is often summarised as a shift from multilateralism to unilateralism and, in the context of the war on terrorism, concomitantly a shift from geo-economic to geopolitical priorities. The rhetoric of the fight against the 'axis of evil', however, may simply cloud underlying continuities in US relations with Asia. Nevertheless the process of coalition-building by the Bush administration in the 'War on Terrorism' has impacted on the distance Asian countries have been able to maintain in relation to the United States. The case studies presented in this special issue raise a number of important issues concerning perceptions and the practice of US hegemony and the complex links between leadership and 'followership' at the inter-state level. They also draw out the impacts engendered by US-Asia relations on the wider phenomenon of regionalisation in the Asia-Pacific region.
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| 8 |
ID:
180065
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Management and control of pandemics can be imperative for regional cooperation and solidarity. In the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region, existing regional organisations mainly failed to deal effectively with Covid-19, although they differed in their performances. Instead, both the regional countries and extra-regional powers preferred to address the pandemic through bilateral health diplomacy. Thus, the pandemic has not been transformative in terms of regionalism and regional politics in the MENA region. There were, however, examples of regionalisation, namely cooperation at the societal level and among health officials, which points to the equal importance of bottom-up processes of regional solidarity.
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| 9 |
ID:
061098
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Winter 2004-05.
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| 10 |
ID:
163643
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While Russia’s Syria campaign initially was meant largely as a trump card in its troubled relations with the West, it also upgraded Russia’s standing in the region, which stimulated its growing interest in regional partnerships and in the Middle East per se. However, Russia’s relative success in gaining influence in the Middle East is due not only to its involvement in Syria, but also to its ability to grasp and adjust to the growing role of regional processes and dynamics and its readiness to play with key regional powers as an equal. This ability developed gradually, reflecting and building upon Russia’s practice of reaching out to multiple partners, as well as its non-ideological approach, pragmatism and cultural relativism. The West’s real problem in the region is not with Russia, but with accepting and adapting to the main regional trend today – the regionalisation of politics and security in the Middle East.
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| 11 |
ID:
120467
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The study of regionalism is often characterised as too fragmented, plagued by disagreements over such fundamental matters as its ontological and epistemological premises, which also hinder efforts at substantive comparison of regionalisation processes. In this article it is argued that to overcome these problems, what is required is a more rigorous incorporation of such studies within relevant work in state theory and political geography. The key insight herein is that regionalism should not be studied separately from the state as these are interrelated phenomena. State-making and regionalisation are both manifestations of contested political projects aimed at shaping the territorial, institutional, and/or functional scope of political rule. Furthermore, the article also distils the lines of a mechanismic methodology for comparative regionalism. Its main advantage is in overcoming the implicit benchmarking of regional development we find in other approaches. The framework's utility is then demonstrated through a comparison of regional governance in Asia and Europe.
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| 12 |
ID:
101006
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article seeks to contribute to the underdeveloped discussion about the way we theorise and conceptualise externally induced peace and security operations in regional conflict, with a particular focus on the EU's role. The framework draws on three theoretical components emphasised in this special issue: the construction of conflict, security governance and the impact of EU security practices. The EU's construction of the conflict is tightly linked to decisions about the mode of security governance and here we need to pay more attention to the often-neglected relationship between the external intervening party and the parties in conflict that are subject to the intervention. Furthermore, the impact of peace operations are usually analysed in terms of implementation and coordination failures, and in our view it is necessary to step back and address the construction of the criteria by which interventions are assessed - in particular, the way intervening actors construct and define 'success and failure'.
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| 13 |
ID:
140102
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| Summary/Abstract |
Using a multivariate regression analysis, this article examines linkages in major parties’ performance that contested legislative assembly and Parliamentary elections in India held within the subsequent 18 months over the period 1980–2009. The results are analysed according to a range of variables including party identity, incumbency and geographical region. The study’s finding that for a number of parties there is a strong and statistically significant linkage corroborates earlier studies and suggests that the allocation of resources by major parties to Legislative Assembly campaigns may be an effective strategy for maximising the party’s share of votes in subsequent Parliamentary elections.
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