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| 1 |
ID:
065862
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| Publication |
Singapore, Marshall Cavendish Academic, 2005.
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| Description |
xi, 365p.
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| Standard Number |
981210366X
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 050156 | 320.951/WU 050156 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 2 |
ID:
103620
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
China in 2010 followed two divergent tracks: one pursued continued high-speed economic growth while the other witnessed an ongoing rise of social discontent. Both confirmed the failure of government efforts to promote so-called "scientific," or balanced, development. Political disillusion over the "China model" surfaced; China's diplomacy saw many setbacks.
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| 3 |
ID:
079275
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| Publication |
London, Routledge, 2008.
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| Description |
xiii, 303p.
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| Standard Number |
9780415425711
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 052675 | 327.51/WU 052675 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 4 |
ID:
081237
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article compares Chinese nationalism of the 1990s with the historic beginning of modern Chinese nationalism in the 1910s and argues that they are two different nationalisms. While the post-imperial May Fourth nationalism of the 1910s arose in a poor and backward China to seek wealth and power for the nation, the 1990s saw the resurgence of nationalism rooted in China's late communist authoritarian prosperity. Following a Weberian framework to examine nationalism's connections with material interests, political power and cultural orientations, the paper finds that the Chinese nationalism of the 1990s reversed all the radical features of early 20th century developmental and cosmopolitan nationalism, as it defended the Chinese model of development, endorsed political authoritarianism, and sought sources of legitimacy and identity in traditional Chinese culture
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| 5 |
ID:
082780
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2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article explores how Hong Kong has exercised political influence on China since the transfer of sovereignty in 1997, and tries to comprehend such seemingly impossible influences by reinterpreting the concept of sovereignty. It argues that the British Hong Kong existed as a 'reference society' for China's modernization and helped to change Chinese perceptions of capitalism. As this resulted in Chinese recognition of the legitimacy of Hong Kong's colonial institutions, which were featured with political legacies of civic freedom and the rule of law, it also reveals the institutional dimension of sovereignty. Secondly, the information flow from Hong Kong to China reflects a communicative (in contrast to coercive) nature of sovereignty, which highlights Hong Kong's central position in the Chinese world of information. Thirdly, Hong Kong's ongoing democratization challenges Chinese authoritarianism through societal interactions that are beyond state control. Conceptually, in this article, state sovereignty is argued as being something fluid and constantly reshaped in everyday practice with institutional, informative, and interactive dynamics; practically, it attempts to find some remaining 'silver lining' to the growing authoritarian Chinese clouds above Hong Kong as reversing the logic of examining external factors in democratization
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| 6 |
ID:
052322
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| Publication |
June 2004.
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| Summary/Abstract |
It is widely believed that China is rigid in diplomacy concerning state sovereignty and national reunification, and the Taiwan issue is certainly prominent of such kind on which leaders in Beijing cannot make concessions but only struggle to gain in managing Sino-American relations. With the examination of the origins of then Chinese President Jiang Zemin's eight-points proposal that guided PRC's Taiwan policy in the past decade, this article suggests that domestic political legitimacy of an individual leader is a vital factor that affects Chinese foreign policy in general and Beijing's stance on sovereignty in particular. As this case has shown, this logic often works in the way that soften Chinese leaders' attitudes toward Taipei and Washington in the 'new' new world order because, without democratic institutions, Chinese leaders are weak in terms of internal legitimacy. The diplomatic reputation they gain from Washington can substantially help them in this regard.
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| 7 |
ID:
089702
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| Publication |
London, Routledge, 2009.
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| Description |
xii, 215p.
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| Standard Number |
9780415482264
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 054287 | 320.951/WU, 054287 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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