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| 1 |
ID:
113800
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| Publication |
Singapore, S.Rajaratnam School of International Studies, 2012.
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| Description |
132p.Pbk
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| Series |
RSIS Monograph No.22
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| Standard Number |
9789810718503
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 056667 | 327.59051/FLI 056667 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 2 |
ID:
165385
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| Summary/Abstract |
The reaction within Southeast Asia from business and policy leaders to the United Kingdom’s decision to exit the European Union has thus far been one of disappointment rather than panic. How Brexit will affect a possible EU–ASEAN free trade agreement, bilateral trade deals in the region, foreign direct investment flows between ASEAN and the U.K. and the EU, and the U.K.’s future trade arrangements remains uncertain. This article examines how the U.K.’s departure from the Union will affect ASEAN and its member states in terms of European trade, and its impact on the U.K.’s and the EU’s trade relations with Southeast Asia. It is argued that ASEAN is far from being immune to the effects of Brexit on financial markets and trade configurations. However, given the diversity of trade and investment among the ASEAN member states, aggregated regional effects and member-state effects will differ. The findings also suggest that there will be political and security considerations for ASEAN and its member states whilst the U.K. tries to establish itself as an independent trade actor post Brexit.
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| 3 |
ID:
159709
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Adroit Publishers, 2017.
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| Description |
xxiv, 340p.hbk
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| Standard Number |
9788187393375
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 059423 | 382.51054/SIN 059423 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 4 |
ID:
143350
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| Summary/Abstract |
India and Central Asia have shared a geo-cultural affinity and a long tradition of historical contacts that dates back to antiquity. There is convergence of views and interests between the Central Asian Republics and India, on fundamental issues such as; (a) need to maintain social harmony and equilibrium by promoting inter-ethnic harmony and peaceful co-existence; (b) commitment to secularism and democracy and opposition to religious fundamentalism; (c) recognition of threat to regional security and stability from trans-border terrorism, arms and drug trafficking, religious extremism and ethnic-religious secessionism; (d) commitment to the principles of territorial integrity of nation states and inviolability of state borders; (e) promoting economic, scientific and cultural cooperation and (f) ensuring peaceful and tranquil neighbourhood in Afghanistan.
The Central Asian Republics, being cautious and wary of dominating influence of the powerful neighbours like Russia and China look towards India as a friend and partner, which does not have any political or territorial ambitions in the region. India is also expected to play a balancing role in the big power games in Central Asia.
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| 5 |
ID:
078077
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| 6 |
ID:
123658
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| 7 |
ID:
111745
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article explores why governments commit to human rights enforcement by joining the International Criminal Court (ICC). Compared with other international institutions, the ICC has substantial authority and autonomy. Since governments traditionally guard their sovereignty carefully, it is puzzling that the ICC was not only established, but established so rapidly. Looking beyond traditional explanations for joining international institutions, this study identifies a new causal factor: a country's dependence network, which consists of the set of other states that control resources the country values. This study captures different dimensions of what states value through trade relations, security alliances, and shared memberships in international organizations. Using event history analysis on monthly data from 1998 to 2004, we find that dependence networks strongly affect whether and when a state signs and ratifies the ICC. Some types of ratification costs also influence state commitment, but many conventional explanations of state commitment receive little empirical support.
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| 8 |
ID:
053376
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| 9 |
ID:
116154
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| 10 |
ID:
147748
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| Summary/Abstract |
A brief review of the results from studies by a number of Asian specialists on questions of the mutual influence of political and economic aspects of Sino-Japanese relations in the second half of the 20th century. Econometric methods are used to reveal the interconnection between political events and trends in the development of present-day Sino-Japanese trade relations.
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| 11 |
ID:
039361
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| Publication |
Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1970.
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| Description |
xvii, 480p.
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| Standard Number |
0226134954
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 004427 | 382.92/DAM 004427 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 12 |
ID:
147368
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article explores the global positions of China and India in merchandise trade. It first compares the integration models of China and India and, thereafter, examines the core factors that drive their trading relationships. With respect to their global trading partners, there are considerable differences in the influence of economic drivers of trade for China and India. Combined larger markets, similar consumer preferences, similar factor endowments and linguistic links enhance global exports from China. Alternatively, smaller market size, discrepancy in consumer demands, dissimilar factor endowments and combined stocks of foreign direct investments drive India’s global trade. The findings suggest that differences in the structure and demand of China vis-a-vis India dictate the divergence in the profile of their trade determinants. Such divergence in trade drivers, however, dissipates when taking into account Chinese and Indian partnerships on a regional basis – with East Asia, Middle East and North Africa (MENA), Latin America, European Union (EU), and Africa.
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| 13 |
ID:
086216
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| Publication |
2009.
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The changing economic, military and strategic environment in and around South Asia, Southeast Asia and East Asis has had its repercussions on India trying to reach out for new evenues for exercising greater mobility and flexibility in the region for the conduct of its foreign policy.
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| 14 |
ID:
109736
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| 15 |
ID:
073099
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| 16 |
ID:
154050
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article provides a broad overview of relations between the European Economic Community (EEC)/European Union (EU) since the Treaty of Rome to the present. It discusses initial Indian perceptions of the EEC, the institutional architecture of dialogue and interaction and focuses on the convergence and divergence on a number of political issues, including global governance.
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| 17 |
ID:
114905
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| 18 |
ID:
131302
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Jnanada Prakashan, 2010.
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| Description |
x, 270p.Hbk
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| Standard Number |
9788171393749
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 057793 | 327.5405108/YAD 057793 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 19 |
ID:
140373
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| 20 |
ID:
140017
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| Summary/Abstract |
Notwithstanding these contentions, cooperative relations between India and the US have become the mainstay of their relations in the post-Cold War era and the Modi government seems keen to further bolster the ties. India hopes to get US support to emerge as an economically, technologically and militarily vibrant country and the US views India as a valued partner, which can further the American vision of a stable Asia. Steps taken by Modi and Obama, however incremental, are symptomatic of the leaders’ understanding that India and the US have stakes in shaping the Indo-Pacific region in particular and the world in general in terms favourable to them, which will be best achieved through cooperation between the two nations.
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