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| 1 |
ID:
092465
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The use of force in international relations by the West is increasingly witnessing a greater reliance on Special Forces. This trend has profound implications for state action because Special Forces represent a very different kind of soldier and they possess the inherent ability to transgress traditional boundaries in peace and war. The development and participation of UK Special Forces in the Global War on Terror provides a microcosm of the positive and negative dimensions of using secret military units as the force of choice against insurgents and terrorists in Afghanistan, Iraq and indeed on the streets of London.
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| 2 |
ID:
148797
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| 3 |
ID:
141371
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| 4 |
ID:
099549
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| 5 |
ID:
134198
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines American reactions to the First World War from 1914 to American belligerence in 1917. Despite Woodrow Wilson's plea for Americans to be neutral, they had strong reactions to the war. These reactions led to three important legacies in America's dealings with the rest of the world.
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| 6 |
ID:
052519
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| 7 |
ID:
129259
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2012.
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During the reform era, the Chinese government's policies in Xinjiang have changed from accommodating to hardening. The alienation of ethnic minorities caused by the Cultural Revolution necessitated loosening of controls on cultural and religious freedom. With increasing incidents of disturbance leading up to the late 1980s, however, the Chinese government became more coercive on internal security and more generous with economic and development assistance. The global war against Islamic terrorism allowed China to justify a crackdown on the re-sistance in Xinjiang. The 2009 Ürümqi riot proved that the government's policies had failed to stabilize the region, but the Chinese government's countermeasure was to step up, not drop, the repressive policies
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| 8 |
ID:
126223
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The fifty-year global war against drugs has failed and the time has come to admit it. Claire Yorke and Benoit Gomis argue that a new approach is now needed
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| 9 |
ID:
138682
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| 10 |
ID:
025824
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| Publication |
Lawrence, University Press of Kansas, 1971.
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| Description |
xiii, 254p.: ill.Hbk
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| Standard Number |
700600736
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 010910 | 940.53112/EIS 010910 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 11 |
ID:
105722
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The global war on terrorism gives rise to a range of legal, political and ethical problems. One major concern for UK policy-makers is the extent to which the government may be held responsible for the illegal and/or unethical behaviour of allies in intelligence gathering-the subject of the forthcoming Gibson inquiry. The UK government has been criticized by NGOs, parliamentary committees and the media for cooperating with states that are alleged to use cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment (CIDT) or torture to gain information about possible terrorist threats. Many commentators argue that the UK's intelligence sharing arrangements leave it open to charges of complicity with such behaviour. Some even suggest the UK should refuse to share intelligence with countries that torture. This article refutes this latter view by exploring the legal understanding of complicity in the common law system and comparing its more limited view of responsibility-especially the 'merchant's defence'-with the wider definition implied in political commentary. The legal view, it is argued, offers a more practical guide for policy-makers seeking to discourage torture while still protecting their citizens from terrorist threats. It also provides a fuller framework for assessing the complicity of policy-makers and officials. Legal commentary considers complicity in relation to five key points: identifying blame; weighing the contribution made; evaluating the level of intent; establishing knowledge; or, where the latter is uncertain, positing recklessness. Using this schema, the article indicates ways in which the UK has arguably been complicit in torture, or at least CIDT, based on the information publicly available. However, it concludes that the UK was justified in maintaining intelligence cooperation with transgressing states due to the overriding public interest in preventing terrorist attacks.
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| 12 |
ID:
178133
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Global Capitalism, Global War, Global Crisis by Andreas Bieler and Adam Morton makes a persuasive case for the enduring relevance of historical materialism as the hermeneutical tool for analysis and understanding of contemporary political economy.
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| 13 |
ID:
093286
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Magnum Books, 2010.
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| Description |
viii, 400p.
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| Standard Number |
9788187363972
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Copies: C:2/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 054629 | 355.82511905/SIS 054629 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
| 054630 | 355.82511905/SIS 054630 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 14 |
ID:
178136
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| Summary/Abstract |
There is a spirit of critique that is dialogical, sincere, and rigorous that defines this forum on Global Capitalism, Global War, Global Crisis from authorities we regard as shaping the recent past, the now present, and the near future of political economy.
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| 15 |
ID:
146574
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| Contents |
To flourish a terrorist outfit needs financial and logistics support, political patronage and a
supportive of submissive population, which is the centre of gravity in prospering or combating
terrorism (providing recruitment, intelligence, misguided ideology/religious narrative, media and cyber/technological support). To combat such dangerous terrorist outfits and save innocent population, it is of utmost importance to cut down its support system, its patronage and assistance, sincerely and honestly by every single legitimate power in the world, selective degrading of some organisations such as the ISIS with minimum callateral damages and take onboard some religious leaders, who can support the narrative of peaceful eoexistence for all communities.
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| 16 |
ID:
088135
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| Publication |
Newport, Naval War college, 1993.
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| Description |
ix, 64p.
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 034909 | 355.02/HAY 034909 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 17 |
ID:
143860
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| Summary/Abstract |
Two decades before the assassination of Austrian Archduke Franz Ferdinand in June 1914 sparked the First World War, a wave of anarchist terrorism had taken the lives of seven heads of state in Russia, Europe, and the United States, and caused hundreds of civilian causalities. In response to these attacks, continental European governments called for collective action against the common danger. Despite European overtures for American involvement in an anti-anarchist league, particularly after President William McKinley’s assassination by a self-proclaimed anarchist in 1901, U.S. policy makers rejected collective, multilateral action with European governments in favor of a unilateral, nationalized response through exclusionary immigration legislation. The Immigration Act of 1903, America’s first encounter with modern terrorism set significant legal precedent, orienting the United States away from international cooperation and toward domestic policies of exclusion and deportation.
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| 18 |
ID:
085539
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The following is an edited transcript of the fifty-fourth in a series of Capitol Hill conferences convened by the Middle East Policy Council. The meeting was held on Friday, September 12, 2008, in the Caucus Room of the Cannon House Office Building with Chas. W. Freeman, Jr., presiding.
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| 19 |
ID:
092192
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
On 20 September 2001, during a televised address to a joint session of Congress, President George W. Bush launched his war on terror, also referred to as the Global War on Terror, Global War on Terrorism.
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| 20 |
ID:
124763
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Michael Mann's long-anticipated volumes, the sources of social power, volume 3: global empires and revolution, 1890-1945 and the sources of social power, volume 4: globalizations, 1945-2011 complete Mann's career-spanning project. Compared to previous volumes in the series, these works are much more global in scope. They address topics such as global wars, empires, social citizenship across the industrialized world, economic recessions and climate change. In this way they rectify omissions in Mann's previous work, even while continuing to deploy Mann's previous IEMP (ideological, economic, social, political) model of power. However, three shortcomings remain: first, the books do not adequately deploy the concept of society as power networks; second, they do not offer a conceptualization of global systems or dynamics beyond the sum total of actions by individual states or actors; and third, they retain the standpoint of power in their analyses. Despite these shortcomings, these volumes offer a masterful global history of power over the past century and a half and make long-lasting contributions to the historical sociology of power.
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