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ID:
049879
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Jan-Feb 2004.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Washington has made the fight against radical Muslim separatists in the Philippines a critical front in its war on terrorism. But its one-size-fits-all approach reflects a dangerous misunderstanding of the problem -- and could make things worse.
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| 2 |
ID:
049915
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| Publication |
Jan-Feb 2004.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Despite the dramatic collapse of the recent trade talks in Canc?hings aren't nearly as bad as they seem. Canc?s no Seattle, as will soon become clear when progress resumes on Doha Round negotiations. Fault for the conference's breakdown lies with all the major parties, but the damage can quickly be remedied
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| 3 |
ID:
049916
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| Publication |
Jan-Feb 2004.
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President Bush has called nuclear terror the defining threat the United States now faces. He's right, but he has yet to follow up his words with actions. This is especially frustrating since nuclear terror is preventable. Washington needs a strategy based on the "Three No's": no loose nukes, no nascent nukes, and no new nuclear states.
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| 4 |
ID:
049917
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Jan-Feb 2004.
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Kenya's fragile government is threatened by factionalism, economic challenges, and rising crime. To ensure Nairobi's involvement in the war on terrorism, Washington must be sensitive to its domestic needs, recognizing that fledgling democracies can be more difficult to engage than their authoritarian predecessors.
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| 5 |
ID:
049828
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| Publication |
Jan-Feb 2004.
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The Bush administration has literalized its "war" on terrorism, dissolving the legal boundaries between what a government can do in peacetime and what's allowed in war. This move may have made it easier for Washington to detain or kill suspects, but it has also threatened basic due process rights, thereby endangering us all.
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| 6 |
ID:
049918
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Jan-Feb 2004.
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Three years into Mexico's democratic revolution, few of its hopes have been realized: the political system is gridlocked, the economy is stagnant, and relations with the United States are deteriorating. A crisis is not imminent, but progress must come soon if Mexico's grand experiment with political and economic liberty is to continue.
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| 7 |
ID:
049924
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In just ten years, NAFTA has created the world's most formidable free trade area. But in the absence of true partnerships and multilateral institutions, movement toward further regional integration has slowed. The United States, Mexico, and Canada have many common interests; they need to pursue them in common ways
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| 8 |
ID:
049829
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Jan-Feb 2004.
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American evangelicals have put the fight against AIDS on Washington's map, even while clashing with other activists over strategy. Now all must unite behind a comprehensive approach stressing effective practices in prevention and treatment
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| 9 |
ID:
049922
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| Publication |
Jan-Feb 2004.
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Growing differences over trade and foreign policy threaten to upset the delicate balance in U.S.-Brazil relations. To head off trouble, Washington should lower its expectations, remembering that it has a greater stake in Lula's domestic success than in Brazil's active cooperation on any particular issue.
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| 10 |
ID:
049914
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| Publication |
Jan-Feb 2004.
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Saudi Arabia is in the throes of a crisis, but its elite is bitterly divided on how to escape it. Crown Prince Abdullah leads a camp of liberal reformers seeking rapprochement with the West, while Prince Nayef, the interior minister, sides with an anti-American Wahhabi religious establishment that has much in common with al Qaeda
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| 11 |
ID:
049881
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| Publication |
Jan-Feb 2004.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Saudi Arabia is in the throes of a crisis, but its elite is bitterly divided on how to escape it. Crown Prince Abdullah leads a camp of liberal reformers seeking rapprochement with the West, while Prince Nayef, the interior minister, sides with an anti-American Wahhabi religious establishment that has much in common with al Qaeda. Abdullah cuts a higher profile abroad -- but at home Nayef casts a longer and darker shadow.
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| 12 |
ID:
057201
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