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| 1 |
ID:
148464
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| Summary/Abstract |
Even though the opinion polling before the British referendum on membership of the European Union showed a narrow gap between the two sides, the actual result—a vote to leave—on the morning of 24 June 2016 came as a surprise to many. Yet in truth both the referendum and its outcome had deep roots in British politics. In this article we cast an eye over the history of Britain's relationship with the EU, which has long been marked by a mixture of awkwardness and successful influence. We trace the origins of the referendum in long-run tensions between, and within, the political parties, and in the lukewarm public support for European integration. We also examine more contingent, short-term factors relating to the referendum campaign itself. We conclude by commenting on the divisions exposed by the vote along lines of geography, education, class and wealth, and suggest that reconciling these with the continuing tensions in the party landscape make a clean and speedy exit from the EU unlikely.
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| 2 |
ID:
160195
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| Publication |
Cambridge, Polity Press, 2017.
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| Description |
xvi, 149p.pbk
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| Standard Number |
9781509523863
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 059462 | 341.242/EVA 059462 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 3 |
ID:
052999
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Jul-Sep 2004.
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| 4 |
ID:
102135
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| 5 |
ID:
086946
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since its formal launch in June 1999, the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) has developed at a remarkable rate. In the subsequent decade, the EU has carried out 22 ESDP military and civilian operations and become an important element of Europe's ability to respond to international crises. For all this, however, there remain grounds for concern. These relate in part to the fact that, for all the early activism of ESDP, those military missions undertaken to date have been relatively limited in size and scope. The EU has also strikingly failed to intervene in certain crises that once seemed ideally suited to an ESDP deployment. The ESDP has also to a degree failed to bring about the enhancement to European military capabilities that some had hoped would be its major achievement. More generally, there is a danger that an exclusive focus on EU security policies will serve merely to distract member states from the broader international strategic environment, with ESDP serving as an alibi for their continued failure to live up to their international security responsibilities.
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| 6 |
ID:
165036
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European political development since the Treaty of Versailles has gone through four phases. The interwar period was a time of democratic weakness and ethnic conflict that culminated in the Second World War. What followed was a period of division and yet also integration, particularly in western Europe. Western Europeans sought to transcend the nation-state through the promotion of the rule of law. The end of the Cold War suggested the victory of this civilizing mission, but that suggestion was not entirely convincing—not because of the re-emergence of ethnic conflict, but because of the increasing tension between popular and representative democracy. The economic and financial crisis brought that tension to the surface and placed a great strain on the wider integration project. The challenge is how to interpret this arc in the narrative of European history. Was unification always a dream while division remains a reality?
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| 7 |
ID:
001648
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| Publication |
London, Routledge, 1997.
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| Description |
xx,185p.
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| Series |
State and the European Union
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| Standard Number |
0415164842
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 041197 | 355.03354/HOW 041197 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 8 |
ID:
001875
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London, Macmillan, 2000.
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| Description |
xx, 258p.
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| Standard Number |
0312229313
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 042810 | 355.033044/MEN 042810 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 9 |
ID:
052655
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| 10 |
ID:
141560
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| Summary/Abstract |
In the last year, some 39,000 migrants , mostly from North Africa, tried to make their way to the United Kingdom from the French port of Calais by boarding trucks and trains crossing the English Channel. In response, the British government attempted to secure the entrance to the tunnel in Calais , dispatching two and a half miles of security fencing that had been used for the 2012 Olympics and the 2014 NATO summit.
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| 11 |
ID:
091613
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
A recent wave of scholarly literature has argued forcibly that the European Union's European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) represents an attempt on the part of the EU to "balance" against the United States. According to such analyses, the EU is reacting to American global preeminence by building up its military capacities to enhance its own ability to play a significant, autonomous role in international affairs. This article takes issue with such claims. It points, first, to significant theoretical and methodological shortcomings inherent in the work of the "soft balancers." Second, and more fundamentally, it subjects this work to careful empirical scrutiny and illustrates how the soft balancers have fundamentally misunderstood ESDP. Finally, it illustrates how such misinterpretations result from a failure to appreciate the profound impact that institutional structures wield over substantive outcomes in international security affairs.
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| 12 |
ID:
126450
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The furore that greeted news that negotiations were to start on a transatlantic free trade agreement revealed not only the potential importance of any putative deal, but also the tendency of Europeans to view international politics almost uniquely in economic terms. This neglect of security and broader geostrategic issues is short-sighted and dangerous. It is precisely the liberal world order in place since the Second World War that has allowed Europeans to develop their economic potential. Leaving it to the United States to preserve that order is an increasingly problematic strategy, with the US ever more reluctant to police the world in the way it once did. The US has, for many years, asked its partners to contribute more to the preservation of common security interests. Given the failure of these attempts to date, it might be time for Washington to resort to tougher tactics in an attempt to entice Europeans out of their geostrategic retirement.
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| 13 |
ID:
102350
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Our assumption in this article is that sustainable peace operations require
the involvement of organizations and institutions that are themselves sustainable.
We begin by presenting a set of propositions regarding the sustainability
of international institutions in which the capacity for
adaptation and incremental change are centrally important. We then examine
these propositions in relation to NATO, paying particular attention
to the ways in which the alliance has taken on both new roles and new
members. A central concern of the article is the ways in which NATO member
states' conceptions of identity and definitions of national interest affect
the sustainability of the alliance, and limit the ability of alliance
members to generate the longer-term commitment needed for peace support
operations.
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