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| 1 |
ID:
145934
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Orient BlackSwan Pvt. Ltd., 2016.
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| Description |
xiv, 180p.hbk
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| Series |
Strategic Studies
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| Standard Number |
9788125063223
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 058719 | 327.10109581/PAN 058719 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 2 |
ID:
138698
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| Summary/Abstract |
Just after addressing the Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore in June 2012, Leon Panetta, then the American secretary of defense, visited New Delhi, where he remarked that “defense cooperation with India is a lynchpin in this [pivot] strategy.” Since the thrust of the “pivot” has been on the maritime balance of power in the Indo-Pacific, both the Pacific and the Indian
Oceans have gained tremendous traction in the new U.S. strategy
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| 3 |
ID:
124860
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Even as the BRICS member states come to terms with a rising China and even if they get their economic act together, the group will not be able to turn into a unified political force: a fundamental contradiction lies at the very heart of BRICS as a political idea.
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| 4 |
ID:
101080
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| 5 |
ID:
080730
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| 6 |
ID:
123670
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
While the world has been focusing on China's growing assertiveness in the South China Sea, Beijing and Delhi are also engaged in a quiet struggle in the contested waters. By putting up for international bidding the same oil block that India had obtained from Vietnam for exploration, China has thrown down a gauntlet.1 By deciding to stay put in the assigned block, India has indicated it's ready to take up the Chinese challenge. At stake is Chinese opposition to India's claim to be a regional power in the larger Asian strategic setting. India is trying to emerge as a credible regional balancer but it has a long way to go.
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| 7 |
ID:
128497
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| 8 |
ID:
112185
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| 9 |
ID:
091361
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| 10 |
ID:
091537
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| Publication |
New York, Palgrave Macmillan, 2008.
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| Description |
vi, 202p.
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| Standard Number |
9780230604582, hbk
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Copies: C:2/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 054443 | 327.54/PAN 054443 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
| 054951 | 327.54/PAN 054951 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 11 |
ID:
053039
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| 12 |
ID:
077467
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| Publication |
2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
is almost conventional wisdom now that the centre of gravity of global politics has shifted from Europe to the Asia-Pacific. In recent years we have witnessed the rise of China and India, the gradual assertion by Japan of its military profile and a significant shift in the US global force posture in favour of Asia-Pacific. The debate now is whether the Asia-Pacific will witness rising tensions and conflicts in the coming years or whether the forces of economic globalization and multilateralism will lead to peace and stability. Will Europe's past be Asia's future?
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| 13 |
ID:
155286
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The lack of interest in the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) today is symptomatic of the larger demise of the non-alignment as a political ideology in global politics. And India’s case is the best exemplar of this global shift. India’s rising global profile is reshaping New Delhi’s approach to its major partnerships in the changing global order. Though sections of the Indian establishment still remain wedded to non-alignment, New Delhi is showing signs of pursuing strategic autonomy separately from non-alignment under Prime Minister Narendra Modi. This separation is overdue in India’s foreign policy, and the country stands to benefit from leveraging partnerships rather than shunning them. India today is charting new territory in its foreign policy, predicated on the belief that rather than proclaiming non-alignment as an end in itself, India needs deeper engagement with its friends and partners if it is to develop leverage in its dealings with its adversaries and competitors. Much like India, other countries are recognizing the diminishing returns to being part of the non-alignment movement in an age when the binaries of East and West, North and South are losing salience.
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| 14 |
ID:
131670
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
India's Agni-V missile test of April 2012 opens new questions as to India's intentions. This article investigates three principal bureaucratic determinants of Indian military nuclear policy. Greater control over policymaking is required from the Prime Minister's Office to resolve governance questions surrounding India's nuclear policy.
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| 15 |
ID:
068865
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| 16 |
ID:
116565
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| Publication |
2012.
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China's rise has altered the strategic realities in East Asia with the US having to manage a power transition in the region. The signals from Washington that it would not allow growing Chinese power in Asia-Pacific to go unchallenged have become unambiguous. The region is witnessing great power politics at its most pristine and geopolitical competition between the global superpower and its most likely challenger is in full swing. This article outlines the changing strategic realities in East Asia with China's rapid ascent in global hierarchy and argues that the US has had to recalibrate its regional policy in response to the growing demand from the region for it to play a more assertive role if it wanted to retain its role as an offshore balancer.
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| 17 |
ID:
145818
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Routledge, 2016.
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| Description |
xvii, 426p.: ill.hbk
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| Series |
Routledge India Handbooks
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| Standard Number |
9781138639904
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:1,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 058703 | 355.4/PAN 058703 | Main | On Shelf | Reference books | |
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| 18 |
ID:
052878
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| Publication |
May-Jun 2004.
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| 19 |
ID:
185099
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| Summary/Abstract |
The article argues that geopolitics is a major obstacle to an effective Indian policy on substantive maritime governance. It holds that India’s involvement in maritime governance is predominantly shaped by geopolitics and driven by two geopolitical concerns, Delhi’s drive to counter China’s expanding influence in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) and India’s pursuit of leadership in that region. This emphasis on geopolitics is perfectly reasonable from India’s perspective but comes at the cost of constraining Delhi’s maritime governance policy and reducing India’s ability to address substantive maritime governance issues. Hence, India’s focus on geopolitics undermines substantive maritime governance. The focus on geopolitics negatively impacts substantive maritime governance because it: 1) leads India to oppose China’s involvement in IOR’s maritime governance; 2) creates bureaucratic obstacles to India’s substantive maritime governance; 3) constrains Delhi’s ability to concentrate its substantive maritime governance efforts.
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| 20 |
ID:
022172
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| Publication |
2002.
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| Description |
91-106
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