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| 1 |
ID:
058408
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| Publication |
Sep-Oct 2004.
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| 2 |
ID:
075992
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2006.
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| Summary/Abstract |
External threat plays a diminishing role in the foreign policies of China and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). Some version of modernization diplomacy is pursued so that economic interests are accorded priority. It is in this context that they have gradually adopted comprehensive security and similar concepts. At the individual level, aspirations and security are also realized in the context of satisfactory economic development. At the international level, regional economic co-operation associated with market liberalization is perceived as an important means to maintain a peaceful external environment and to promote economic growth. The concept of security is thus both broadened and extended to link up the international, regime and individual levels. The Asian financial crisis exposed the contradictions between the developed countries of the West and the developing economies in the Asia-Pacific region; it also challenged the dominant domestic political coalitions in Southeast Asia based on existing development strategies. New alignments therefore have to be established within the Asia-Pacific region to ensure effective interest articulation within the World Trade Organization (WTO) framework, and the shaking of the foundation of the regional regimes produced varied responses ranging from defensive adjustment to offensive adjustment and fundamental economic restructuring. Values and aspirations on the part of individuals have to be redefined too. The threat of terrorism was first highlighted by the September 11 Incident, but terrorism in the region was largely rooted in domestic ethnic and socio-economic contradictions and exacerbated by economic difficulties in the wake of the Asian financial crisis. The threat of terrorism has in turn alerted the regional governments to the issues of radical Islam, the widening gap between the rich and poor and inter-ethnic relations, as well as to a whole range of non-traditional security issues. In short, comprehensive security must include good governance.
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| 3 |
ID:
108804
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| 4 |
ID:
144091
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines China’s relations with the Gulf Cooperation Council states. China’s interests in the Gulf region have been evolving; and in the 21st century they cover geopolitical interests, economic and trade interests, energy security interests, and nontraditional security interests. China’s approach is multilevel: it maintains diplomatic relations with individual GCC states; it has initiated formal mechanisms of regular regional forums; it engages in people-to-people diplomacy through student exchanges and the setting up of Confucius Institutes in various GCC states; it maintains dialogues with other major powers; and it participates in important multilateral conferences on regional affairs. This article assesses China’s performance in this multilevel diplomacy that demands close coordination between the various levels of foreign policy making and policy implementation, and the maintenance of a delicate balance in the complex major power competition and regional rivalries in a divided Arab world. In line with China’s Arab-world experts who often examine the strategic configuration in the Gulf region within a framework of five periods, China’s Gulf policy is analyzed in the following stages: (1) 1958–1967, (2) 1967–1971, (3) 1971–1979, (4) 1979–1990, (5) 1990–2001, and (6) 2001–present. Major emphasis is placed on developments in recent years.
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| 5 |
ID:
116639
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article focuses on Beijing's negotiation strategy and its preparations regarding the conclusion of the Sino-British Joint Declaration. The negotiation process is divided into several important stages, and a framework is offered for further research. The Chinese decision-making processes before the negotiations startedwere detailed and scientific. The decision to recover Hong Kong by 1997 was certainly influenced by nationalist considerations, andChinese leaders werewilling to pay the price. The "one country, two systems" policy for Hong Kong demonstrated the Chinese leadership's liberation in thinking at that time, and that it was ready to adopt a set of highly pragmatic guidelines to secure the confidence of the Hong Kong people and to maintain the territory's stability and prosperity. In contrast, the British side did not have a good understanding of the situation in China. In particular, the British seriously neglected the impact of nationalism on the Chinese leadership and the Hong Kong people.
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| 6 |
ID:
081281
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2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article attempts to examine how China perceives its energy security issues. A survey of its research on energy issues offers hints on how experts influence the Chinese leadership. This article briefly looks at the assessment of the energy situation in China and the policy programmes released to tackle the problems. It then analyses the policy programmes and evaluates the overall strategy. It mainly relies on published data from China to reflect a Chinese view. China in some ways would like to follow Japan's example in response to the international oil crises in the 1970s, i.e. upgrade its industrial structure, introduce energy conservation measures, develop new sources of energy supply, and engage in an 'energy diplomacy' to diversify and guarantee its energy supply.
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| 7 |
ID:
069836
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| 8 |
ID:
052980
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| 9 |
ID:
080898
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2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the issues related to the admission of mainland Chinese capital and enterprises into Taiwan triggered off by Taiwan's membership in the World Trade Organization, including the coordination of political views, the adjustments in policies, the revisions of statutes, and the setting up of administrative monitoring mechanisms in Taiwan. The issue of entry represents the interaction of economic and security interests on both sides of the Taiwan Strait, and it reflects the Chinese leadership's united front offensive, the competition among the political parties in Taiwan, and the business community's articulation of its interests in the island. The analysis aims to illustrate legislative and other processes involved in the economic exchanges across the Taiwan Strait. These processes allow various parties concerned to set up obstacles that obstruct the desired economic exchanges. At the same time, the mutual economic interests, or at least the substantial economic interests on one side of the Taiwan Strait, constantly provide the momentum to overcome the obstacles. More importantly, the sophisticated business community can always find ways to overcome the obstacles in pursuit of their interests, for example, use of subsidiaries in tax havens.
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| 10 |
ID:
100349
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The issue of social networks is central to scholars' examinations of China's economic reform and its transitional society. This article presents an effort to examine the impact of the property rights reform on the evolution of entrepreneurs' social networks in the context of rural China. This study proposes three different patterns of social networks: in-group networks, official-centered networks, and market-oriented networks; and examines how the significance of different network patterns has evolved under the context of institutional change. By using data collected in Wuxi city, Jiangsu province, China, this article attempts to explore four significant questions. Do social networks still matter? How is the significance of different patterns of social networks changing? Why could this happen? In which fields do social networks still matter?
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| 11 |
ID:
112429
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| 12 |
ID:
106257
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In the 2008 Legislative Council elections, the pro-democracy camp accomplished its basic objective of retaining more than a third of the seats. There were signs of spreading political apathy and rising resentment against the administration, evidenced by the substantial drop in voter participation, and this will increase as the economy deteriorates. The prodemocracy movement failed to contain its internal differences during the election campaign, despite recognizing that these differences would affect the pro-democracy parties' image and electoral fortunes. Indeed, the prodemocracy camp is likely to find it increasingly difficult to appeal for support from the community to exert pressure on the government, as it lacks a common, well-defined policy program. The sophistication and mobilizing powerof the pro-Beijing united front's electoral machinery were againwell demonstrated in the elections. However, this power did not effectively deliver in terms of seats won. Lack of mutual trust and the eagerness of the united front's core to exert control were likely reasons for this. These factors will not only affect future election campaign strategies, they also reflect the style of Beijing's united front policy toward Hong Kong.
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| 13 |
ID:
089274
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| 14 |
ID:
101015
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article attempts to use three case studies of labor organizations to explain the uncertainty of informal politics in China. Because informal rules are naturally vague and uncertain, the tactical interactions between government agencies and civic groups become unbalanced. Uncertainty in informal politics in China is almost inevitable.
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