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| 1 |
ID:
128428
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
China's aggressive actions in the East China Sea, combined with other factors, especially North Korea's continuing intransigence, have created an increasingly hostile security environment for Japan. Its response to these events can be seen in the impressive political rebirth of Shinzo Abe and the Liberal Democratic Party. While Abe, currently serving as prime minister for a second time, was elected largely because of his economic policies and the ineptitude of the formerly ruling Democratic Party of Japan, he has used his mandate to press forward with long needed, albeit controversial, defense and security reforms that indicate the seriousness with which Tokyo takes its current situation. With China looming up in front of them, and Pyongyang posing lesser but still worrisome threats, the Japanese have become acutely aware of the fact that their Self-Defense Forces (SDF) have one hundred and forty thousand ground troops, one hundred and forty-one maritime vessels, and four hundred and ten aircraft, while China's People's Liberation Army has one million six hundred thousand troops and North Korea has one million soldiers. Meanwhile, North Korea maintains a significant, if decaying, navy and air force, with one hundred and ninety vessels and approximately six hundred aircraft. China's much more capable maritime and air assets include nine hundred and seventy vessels and two thousand five hundred and eighty aircraft.
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| 2 |
ID:
126736
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
President Richard Nixon and his National Security Adviser, Henry Kissinger took great pride in their success to achieve agreements on the limitation of Anti Ballistic Missiles and the Interim Agreement on Strategic Missiles with the Soviet Union. For Nixon, this agreement was not only an achievement that had been denied to his predecessor, it also seemingly represented the success of his own approach over that of his predecessors. Nixon-in tandem with Kissinger-intended to link arms control negotiations with the Soviet Union to the resolution of other political problems such as Vietnam, the Mideast, and Berlin. Through the employment of linkage, they hoped to make U.S. arms control policy part of Détente. However, Nixon was able to sign the "historic agreements" because his policy of linkage had in fact failed. It failed mainly because it was based on flawed assumptions and false premises. Thus, the historic success was possible precisely because Nixon had not actually made his arms control policy "distinct" from that of the Johnson Administration and its predecessors in his approach to strategic arms talks with the Soviet Union
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| 3 |
ID:
047299
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| Edition |
2nd ed
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| Publication |
New Brunswick, Transaction Publishers, 1998.
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| Description |
ix, 227p.
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| Standard Number |
0765804727
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 044734 | 355.0335/BUR 044734 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 4 |
ID:
044276
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| Publication |
Washington, American Enterprise Institute for Public policy Resarch, 1986.
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| Description |
v.6(55p.)
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 026292 | 327.0956/GEO 026292 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 5 |
ID:
027991
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| Publication |
London, Cassell & Company, 1963.
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| Description |
xiv, 410p.
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 007964 | 355.4/TUK 007964 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 6 |
ID:
122374
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
If Russia consistently pursues its policy of cooperation with Arctic countries on the basis of the Law of the Sea and with due regard for their common interests in the region, there will be no grounds for attempts to justify NATO's more active involvement in Arctic affairs.
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| 7 |
ID:
032251
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| Publication |
New York, Twentieth Century Fund, 1958.
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| Description |
436p.
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 002812 | 355.0335/MIL 002812 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 8 |
ID:
027586
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| Publication |
DelhI, Gian publishing house, 1987.
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| Description |
Xiii, 289p.
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| Standard Number |
8121200873
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 027579 | 327.116095/ATT 027579 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 9 |
ID:
084940
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2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Is armed conflict in and from space inevitable? In recent years a consensus has emerged that space has become increasingly militarized - in the sense that technologies placed in outer space are increasingly used to facilitate and augment traditional military activities. But actual use of weapons in or from outer space remains highly controversial. The aim of this article is to assess the attitudes of major space-faring powers towards space weaponization. Central here, the article argues, is the question of whether the weaponization of space and/or conflict in space (taken here to mean the occurrence of military conflict in outer space itself, or from the Earth directed at any systems deployed in outer space) is inevitable, and the extent to which the major space powers espouse this proposition. This article shows that the idea of inevitability retains a prominent place (although for subtly differing reasons) in American, Chinese, and Russian perspectives on space weaponization. What it is that is inevitable frequently varies, based on assumed but underspecified technological developments. This risks creating a discursively constructed security dilemma that increases the likelihood of actual space weaponization. It leads to the conclusion that renewed negotiations between the major space powers and international cooperative agreements are essential to combat the fatalism of the inevitability thesis.
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| 10 |
ID:
032439
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| Publication |
London, Pall Mall press, 1964.
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| Description |
264p.
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 000223 | 355.031091821/COT 000223 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 11 |
ID:
040440
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| Publication |
London, Michael Joseph, 1981.
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| Description |
368p.
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| Standard Number |
0718120175
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 020613 | 355.031/GIL 020613 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 12 |
ID:
013783
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| 13 |
ID:
033262
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| Publication |
Canberra, The Australian University Strategic and Defense Studies Centre,
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| Description |
114p.
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 000336 | 327.41/MIL 000336 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 14 |
ID:
027453
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| Publication |
London, Arms and Armour Press, 1970.
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| Description |
312p.
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 008367 | 355.330410941/SIX 008367 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 15 |
ID:
125192
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This essay explores the impact of late Victorian cultural assumptions on the conduct of the South African War of 1899-1902, both at home and on the battlefield. It contends that three cultural values, intrinsic to late Victorian culture--cosmopolitanism, political egalitarianism, and race--shaped British soldiers' sense of justice at the outset of the war and, as a result, influenced their actions on and off the battlefield. This article emphasizes that the numerous "small wars" fought by British armies in the late nineteenth century, of which the South African War was the largest, were each unique and worthy of study not just as political history but as cultural military history
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| 16 |
ID:
090471
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
At the turn of the 21st century, the central Asian region gained recognition as a political geography (geopolitical), economic geography (geo-economic), and geostrategic unit on the world map. The reasons behind the recognition included not so much the similar nature and climate, or common history, or ethnic and religious components of the region's population as profound geopolitical , geo-economic, and geostrategic changes such as collapse of the Soviet Union, growing significance of the energy factor in international relations, rapid involvement of the former Soviet republics in the world politics, stationing of U S and NATO forces in the region, and a greater force claimed by other leading world agents(the European Union, China, India, and Japan, in the first place)
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| 17 |
ID:
034808
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| Publication |
New York, Free Press, 1962.
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| Description |
272p.
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| Series |
International yearbook of political behaviour research; v. 3
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 000044 | 322.5/HUN 000044 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 18 |
ID:
036724
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| Publication |
United States of America, Free press of Glencoe, 1962.
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| Description |
272p.
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| Series |
International yerabook of political behavior research; v. 3
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 015563 | 322.5/HUN 015563 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 19 |
ID:
027451
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| Publication |
London, Pinter Publishers, 1989.
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| Description |
vii, 318p.
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| Standard Number |
0861878337
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 032190 | 327.1170947/SCH 032190 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 20 |
ID:
105318
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The post-9/11 threats to American security require a complete revision of American national strategy. For too long, presidents have had to favor quick, cheap solutions to crises, unable to count on support from the "homebody" public for long, drawn-out conflicts. "Cheap hawks" among them have hoped that apocalyptic rhetoric will suffice when resources fall short; "cheap doves" hope that by ignoring the threat, it will go away. But with the war on terror, the revival of geopolitics, and ever-accelerating globalization, the U.S. tradition of bellicose rhetoric backed by underwhelming force is a recipe for failure. To effectively manage its threats, America needs a new catechism and to make sure its economic, energy, and military policies support this.
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