| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
053035
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| 2 |
ID:
053103
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| 3 |
ID:
056783
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| 4 |
ID:
056688
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| 5 |
ID:
137712
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| Summary/Abstract |
Surprisingly, the emergent and increasingly popular phenomenon of nation branding has received only scant attention from International Relations scholars. While most analyses account for the phenomenon by emphasizing the perceived material benefits to be derived from establishing a positive national brand, this article provides an alternative perspective. It argues that nation-branding processes need to be understood as responding to the need of states and state leaders to enhance both their citizens and the nation's sense of ontological security and (self)-esteem. Moreover, this quest for self-esteem and ontological security is unfolding in the context of broader realignments occasioned by the advent of late modernity. While nation branding represents an understandable response to these developments, the article questions the strategy's overall efficacy by highlighting its implications for how national subjectivity is constituted, its notable disciplining elements and its potentially undemocratic implications.
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| 6 |
ID:
077369
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| 7 |
ID:
056858
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| 8 |
ID:
090647
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The key feature of the dominant liberal approach to peacebuilding is the neoliberal marketisation of peace, rather than engagement with civil society and the agents and subjects of this peace. This is a particularly Western, liberal, and Enlightenment-derived discourse of peace, which is far from culturally and socially appropriate or sensitive, and has little chance of establishing a locally self-sustaining peace. This represents a "romanticisation of the local", of civil society, and of the liberal culture of peacebuilding. Its cultural engagement, including its support for civil society development, is therefore little more than instrumental and is used to defer responsibility for the welfare of the local.
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| 9 |
ID:
133792
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
THE JANUARY 2014 AL QAEDA TAKEOVER of the Iraqi cities of Fallujah and Ramadi, the scenes of some of the bitterest fighting between American and insurgent forces only a few years earlier, has prompted numerous questions along the lines of "Who lost Iraq?" and "Was the intervention in Iraq generally, and in these towns in particular, all in vain?" Of course, with hindsight, more and more Americans have come to the conclusion that the answer to the latter question is "yes." It is always easy to be a Monday-morning quarterback, and Washington has no shortage of those who look brilliant when they start looking backward.
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