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| 1 |
ID:
065538
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| 2 |
ID:
080435
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| Publication |
2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
For much of the past twenty-five years, the US-led war on drugs has been premised on a fundamental misunderstanding of Colombian drug trade. Instead of being run by a handful of massive, price-fixing 'cartels', the Colombian drug trade, then and now, was characterized by a fluid social system where flexible exchange networks expanded and retracted according to market opportunities and regulatory constraints. To support this interpretation, I draw on primary and secondary source data I collected in Colombia and the US, including interviews with several dozen hard-to-reach informants. I analyze these data to analyze the organisational form and functioning of 'Colombian' trafficking networks, focusing on how these illicit enterprises communicate, coordinate their activities, and make decisions, with an eye towards deflating some of the more persistent myths that have grown up around these transnational enterprises
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| 3 |
ID:
075625
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| 4 |
ID:
143021
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| Summary/Abstract |
Encryption policy is becoming a crucial test of the values of liberal democracy in the twenty-first century. The trigger is a dilemma: the power of ciphers protects citizens when they read, bank and shop online – and the power of ciphers protects foreign spies, terrorists and criminals when they pry, plot and steal. Encryption bears directly on today’s two top threats, militant extremism and computer-network breaches – yet it enables prosperity and privacy. Should the state limit and regulate the fast-growing use of cryptography? If so, how?
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| 5 |
ID:
130870
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In El Narco, journalist Ioan Grillo provides an overview of the history and dynamics of the Mexican drug war. For years, American and Mexican anti-drug authorities believed that the elusive capo of the Sinaloa Cartel, JoaquÃn Guzmán, known as 'El Chapo' or 'Shorty', was hiding out in the remote Sierra Madre. But fresh intelligence, apparently gleaned from Guzmán's captured bodyguards, indicated that he had been making clandestine trips to Culiacán, capital of Sinaloa State, and the Northern Pacific resort of Mazatlán. In the early hours of 22 February 2014, ten pickup trucks carrying Mexican marines pulled up at the Mazatlán condominium where Guzmán was believed to be staying. Breaking down its steel-reinforced door, the soldiers found him in bed with his ex-wife, a former beauty queen. Guzmán may have been visiting Mazatlán for only a day or two to see his twin baby daughters, who were also present, before returning to safer confines in the mountains. Although he did tussle with his captors, Guzmán did not attempt to use the machine gun that rested near his bed. No shots were fired in the raid, despite the fact that agents confiscated 97 rifles and machine guns, 36 handguns, two grenade launchers, a rocket launcher and 43 vehicles, many of which were armoured. Having beaten Guzmán and dragged him outside to confirm his identity, the marines transported their prisoner to Mexico City and, finally, a federal detention centre. Shorty had escaped from the high-security Puente Grande Prison in 2001, allegedly in a laundry van, and had been on the run for 13 years. Now that they had him in their hands once more, the Mexican authorities went out of their way to ensure that he would remain in custody.
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| 6 |
ID:
058744
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| 7 |
ID:
122016
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In June 2012, an American drug enforcement agent shot and killed a suspected drug trafficker during a raid on a smuggling operation in Honduras, the impoverished Central American country with the world's highest murder rate. Just a few weeks earlier, Honduran security officials, shadowed by US agents as part of Operation Anvil, accidentally killed four civilians, including two pregnant women, in the country's remote and now drugs-and-thugs-infested Mosquito Coast. These are only some of the more recent murky moments in the decades-long, US-led drug war in Latin America: a conflict that is highly controversial, expensive and far from over. Yet since the 'war on drugs' was launched by US President Richard Nixon in 1971, there have been few episodes in which a US operative on the ground has killed someone as part of the conflict.
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| 8 |
ID:
106875
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The mainstream discourse on the political economy of drugs has emphasised the negative correlation between drug production and state capacity, with the presence of a thriving drugs trade seen as both a sign and a cause of weak states. Through an analysis of the drugs trade in Burma this study argues that such an approach is deeply flawed. Focusing on the period since the 1988 protests it argues that the illicit nature of the drugs trade has provided the state with an array of incentives (legal impunity, protection, money laundering) and threats (of prosecution) with which to co-opt and coerce insurgent groups over which it has otherwise commanded little authority. Although the state's involvement in the drugs trade was initially driven by an expedient desire to co-opt insurgent groups following the 1988 protests, this study also argues that over time it has provided an arena in which more immanent and largely unanticipated processes of state formation, namely the centralisation of the means of violence and extraction, have gradually been built. Rather than being a sign of corruption-induced state incapacity, the state's involvement in the drugs trade has thus become a central arena through which state power has been constructed and reproduced.
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| 9 |
ID:
052854
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| 10 |
ID:
068698
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| 11 |
ID:
053493
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| 12 |
ID:
076604
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| 13 |
ID:
069095
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| 14 |
ID:
053985
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| 15 |
ID:
060999
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| 16 |
ID:
100305
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| 17 |
ID:
099465
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| 18 |
ID:
055349
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| 19 |
ID:
005142
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| Publication |
Surrey, Jane's Information Group, 1995.
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| Description |
157p.
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| Series |
Jane's Intelligence Review Yearbook
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 036350 | R 303.6/WOR 036350 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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