|
|
|
Sort Order |
|
|
|
Items / Page
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
110142
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2011.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The 1911 Revolution was a momentous event in bringing down the monarchical institution with a history of 2,000 years. Yet its consequences were ambiguous, it was overshadowed by the more radical revolution that followed in 1949, and it was stigmatized by the defeat of the Kuomintang, which claimed it as its own. Its 'revolutionariness' has been in question even as it has been celebrated as a turning point in modern Chinese history. This discussion reaffirms the revolutionary significance of the event, but also suggests that it is best viewed as a 'high peak' in a revolution of long duration that is yet to be completed. The current regime in China has revived aspects of monarchical culture and practices that revolutionaries sought to abolish in 1911. Most importantly, the promise of full citizenship for all that animated the 1911 Revolution remains unfulfilled, which may explain the contemporary regime's nervousness over the celebration of its 100th anniversary.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 2 |
ID:
092401
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2009.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The article reviews the evolution of China's mass media from their status as propaganda tools of the Communist Party to their current commercialized pluralist structure. It notably reviews the changes and rapid growth patterns of popular newspapers and TV programs and the concurrent restructuring of the media industry as well the impact of the Internet.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 3 |
ID:
024947
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
New Delhi, Seminar publications, 1991.
|
| Description |
472p.Hbk
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 033247 | 920.5/THA 033247 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
|
|
|
|
| 4 |
ID:
123422
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2013.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
According to Marxist view, society is always divided into two classes such as oppressor and oppressed, rich and poor, bourgeoisie and proletariat, capitalist and the workers class. Furthermore, industralisation emerged the exploitation and degraded condition of workers by the capitalist class.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 5 |
ID:
091037
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2009.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Every revolution inChinese history has started with the peasants. And no one is more aware of this than the ruling Communist Party-Mao Zedong's own assault on the citadels of power started with the mobilization of an agricultural army.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 6 |
ID:
178139
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines some of the first translations of Gramsci into Arabic by young, New Left figures associated with a short-lived group called “Socialist Lebanon.” Thinking à la Edward Said about the undertaking of translations of ideas from one context to another and one language to another as a potentially productive act of beginning, I argue that these first translations, undertaken as part of a revolutionary praxis of young, militant intellectuals, not only reveal some of the limitations and possibilities in the development of a Gramscian analysis of Lebanese politics. Rather, their efforts were central to the formation of a New Arab Left and the strands of those beginnings not only are detected in the later work of several of these activist-translators, even after they had moved beyond militant politics, but also remain visible in later revolutionary praxis in the region. By foregrounding the way in which each subsequent “Gramsci boom” (in the 1990s and after 2010) exists in relationship to an ongoing revolutionary praxis that reads and translates the Arab Left anew, I also seek to provide evidence of what Michele Filippini refers to in this issue as an “Arab provincialization” of Gramscian thought and what I prefer to highlight as a continuous tradition of Arab Left revolutionary praxis.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 7 |
ID:
113158
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2012.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Money, sex, murder, conspiracy: the Bo Xilai affair has all the makings of a political thriller. But there is nothing fictional about the reality show currently unfolding before the eyes of 1.3 billion people in China. The significance of this drama for China's future should not be underestimated. International media coverage ofthe affair has missed a crucial point: scandalous as it may be, Bo's downfall may have opened a window of opportunity for reform-minded Chinese leaders to build consensus for launching serious political reforms. Bo himself is facing accusations of corruption, at least for now, but the real issue goes beyond the need to crack down on corruption among party officials, which is so widespread that the very foundation of the Communist Party's rule is threatened.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 8 |
ID:
109122
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2011.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The Chinese Communist Party has shown tolerance, if not direct support, for the growth of Buddhism over the last few decades. Three explanations for this lenient attitude are explored in this article. The flourishing of Buddhism is encouraged by the state less for its propaganda value in foreign affairs than for its potential to lure tourists who will, in turn, represent a source of revenue for local governments. Buddhist institutions are also establishing their track record in the management of philanthropic activities in impoverished area where local governments lack the resources to offer specific social services. Finally, the development of such activities has contributed to enhance cooperation between China and Taiwan, whose governments have a vested interest in the improvement of relations across the Strait. The article concludes that the growth of Buddhism in China results from the initiatives of Buddhists themselves, and the government supports this growth because it serves local politics well.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 9 |
ID:
177961
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
In recent years China’s Communist Party leadership has drawn attention to the lessons of imperial history for China’s modern system of cadre (ganbu) management. The Party’s focus on history draws attention to points of continuity and discontinuity between the bureaucratic systems of the empire and the People’s Republic. This article considers the historical framework of territorial government under which officials operate and the historical trajectory of bureaucratic control over territorially based communities over the longue durée, from the imperial period through the early Republic and into the People’s Republic under Xi Jinping. By approaching the Communist Party’s cadre system as a historical outgrowth of an earlier system of territorial administration, this article brings to light assumptions dating from the late imperial period that continue to underpin the exclusive power and privileges attached to the position of officials in China, which create, in effect, a nation of cadres.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 10 |
ID:
129686
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2014.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Chinese Dream was officially put forward on November 29, 2012 by the Chinese general Secretary Xi jinping in the meeting of 18th national congress of the communist party of China, as the important guideline ideology and important governance philosophy. Xi defined Chinese dream as to achieve the great rejuvenation of Chinese nation in the greatest dream of the Chinese nation in modern times. The core objective of the Chinese dream can be summarized as the goal of "two Hundred Year", which can be elaborated as, the year 2021 is the 100th anniversary of the communist party of China and the year 2049 is the 100th anniversary of the Peoples Republic of China.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 11 |
ID:
128894
|
|
|
| 12 |
ID:
129649
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2014.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
At the third plenum of the 18th Communist Party Congress on November 9-12, 2013 China's new leadership that took over in late 2014 announced the formation of a new national security Commission, apart from re-organising the economic sector of the country. These two issues- reorganising China's policy structures into main two modularized priority entities in economic and security domains- are expected to last at least till the next decade and beyond. Indeed, these are expected to change how the security paradigm in China is to be viewed by the outside world. In early 2014, it was announced that the new leader Xi Jinping will head this commission, in addition to his duties as general secretary of the communist party, President of the republic, and Chairman of the Central Military commission.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 13 |
ID:
063462
|
|
|
| 14 |
ID:
045862
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
Sussex, Harvester Press, 1977.
|
| Description |
vii, 372p.: mapshbk
|
| Standard Number |
0855277602
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 017549 | 951.04/CHE 017549 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
|
|
|
|
| 15 |
ID:
091021
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2009.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This article considers whether China can emerge from the global economic crisis with its current policies vindicated and its social order intact.Or will the Chinese development model fail to cope?Will the socio-economic situation and the ever-present,deeply held fear of turmoil force Beijing to resort to whipping up nationalism and adopting an aggressive economic and political stance abroad?
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 16 |
ID:
029721
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
London, Pall Mall Press, 1967.
|
| Description |
194p.hbk
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 002107 | 951/MAC 002107 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
|
|
|
|
| 17 |
ID:
053970
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
London, Longman, 2002.
|
| Description |
xviii, 152p.pbk
|
| Series |
Seminar Studies in History
|
| Standard Number |
0582357225
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 046293 | 951.05/BEN 046293 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
|
|
|
|
| 18 |
ID:
145246
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
With the world’s largest population and fourth largest territory, China’s size renders it difficult to govern. The degree to which the Communist Party has for years prioritized the task of “maintaining stability” (weiwen) is a key testimony to the potential fragility of the regime. A principal question that logically follows is: what keeps the regime from falling apart? This article surveys a range of instruments that the central government has deployed both historically and today in efforts to govern China’s centrifugal localities. Seven dimensions of control—ideological-normative, institutional, resource-allocative, personnel management, administrative monitoring, powers over key local sectors, and military force—are examined to assess the center’s adaptive capacity in local governance.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 19 |
ID:
034400
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
New Delhi, Vikas Publishing House, 1979.
|
| Description |
vi, 219p.hbk
|
| Standard Number |
0706907256
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 017986 | 951.057/GOO 017986 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
|
|
|
|
| 20 |
ID:
039232
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
London, Andre Deutsch, 1975.
|
| Description |
320p.hbk
|
| Standard Number |
0233963618
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 016233 | 951.056/ESM 016233 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|