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| 1 |
ID:
082736
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| 2 |
ID:
095252
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Area studies programmes were established in Indian universities in two waves. The first wave emanated from an individual initiative of Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru in 1955 and the second from a committee set up by the University Grants Commission (UGC) in April 1963, soon after India's military defeat at the hands of China in 1962. While a large number of area studies programmes now exist in Indian universities, they have, from their earliest days, been handicapped by four conceptual fallacies and nine operational flaws. The fallacies are related to the subject matter, disciplinary focus, terms of reference and policy relevance, and the flaws are-the absence of theory, lack of multidisciplinary perspectives, analyses that are based on macro-level research, scarce fieldwork, deficiencies in language skills, lack of quantitative research projects, event-driven research agendas, predominance of secondary sources in research, and taught courses which are too broad in their formulation and too narrow in their subject matter. Each fallacy is fundamental; the flaws, taken together, have been fatal for the area studies programmes in India. The article ends with seven suggestions on how these programmes could be revitalized.
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| 3 |
ID:
053403
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| Publication |
Jul-Sep 2004.
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| 4 |
ID:
054491
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| Publication |
Jul-Dec 2004.
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| 5 |
ID:
069604
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| 6 |
ID:
084871
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Six propositions drive this article. First, India's relations with the great powers as they evolve over the next two decades are going to be conditioned by India's own emergence as a great power. Second, it will take at least 15 to 20 years for a balance to re-emerge in the contemporary hegemonic system; hence, India's emergence will be simultaneous with the relative decline of the United States (US). Third, Indian policy makers and analysts need to think structurally about India's external relations, especially with the US and China. Fourth, India's relations with the great powers are inseparable from the broader issue of emerging Asian balances and security architectures. Fifth, India needs to keep a keen eye on other major powers, among whom Russia, Japan, the European Union (EU) and Brazil will be particularly important. Finally, while building its capabilities along a broad spectrum, India must not lose sight of the normative component that is inherent in great power status.
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| 7 |
ID:
077945
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| 8 |
ID:
066676
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| 9 |
ID:
072603
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