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| 1 |
ID:
023140
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| Publication |
2002.
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| Description |
121-133
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| Summary/Abstract |
The aftermath of 11 September 2001 has seen the beginnings of a transatlantic realignment. US–Russian relations are increasingly dynamic and US–European relations are increasingly strained. American and Russia have formed an unprecedented partnership. Their shared interest in combating global terrorism, and Putin's own pragmatic and more realistic foreign policy, have opened up new avenues for US–Russian cooperation. At a time when the United States and its traditional European allies are more and more divided over a range of economic and political issues – including complaints about American unilateralism and the conduct of the war on terrorism – America and Russia are increasingly in agreement. The US–Russian partnership has the potential to develop into a broader-based alliance that could ultimately have a positive impact both on Russia's domestic evolution and on European security.
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| 2 |
ID:
077909
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| 3 |
ID:
187255
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| Summary/Abstract |
Following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, German Chancellor Olaf Scholz appeared to jettison 50 years of Ostpolitik by pledging financial and military support for Ukraine, sanctioning Russia and promising to spend more on defence. Seven months into the war, progress on the German Zeitenwende (turning point) is mixed. Germany has sustained far-reaching sanctions and is grappling with weaning itself off Russian energy, but military deliveries to Ukraine have been slow. The German public continues to support Ukraine, but as winter approaches that support could erode, since Russia has tied future gas deliveries to the lifting of sanctions.
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| 4 |
ID:
142700
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At the end of September, Russia began conducting air strikes in Syria , ostensibly to combat terrorist groups. The strikes constitute Russia’s biggest intervention in the Middle East in decades. Its unanticipated military foray into Syria has transformed the civil war there into a proxy U.S.-Russian conflict and has raised the stakes in the ongoing standoff between Moscow and Washington. It has also succeeded in diverting attention away from Russia’s destabilization of Ukraine, making it impossible for the West to continue to isolate the Kremlin. Russia is now a player in the Syrian crisis, and the United States will have to find a way to deal with it .
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| 5 |
ID:
120036
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| Publication |
Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1999.
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| Description |
xviii,300p.hbk
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| Standard Number |
0691059659
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 057203 | 327.47043/STE 057203 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 6 |
ID:
179824
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| Summary/Abstract |
The major difference between Joe Biden’s approach to Russia and Donald Trump’s is that, under Biden, Russia has ceased to be a domestic political issue.
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| 7 |
ID:
116649
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since the Soviet collapse, Russia has been an issue in every US presidential election campaign. In 2008, Democrats accused the George W. Bush administration of endangering US security by needlessly antagonising Vladimir Putin's Russia and raising the level of tension between the two countries, especially during and after the Russo-Georgia war. Four years later, in 2012, the Barack Obama re-election campaign showcased the accomplishments of the reset policy. For its part, Republican nominee Mitt Romney's campaign faulted the administration for treating the Kremlin with kid gloves when Russia was, according to Romney, the United States' 'number one geopolitical foe' because it 'fights every cause for the world's worst actors'.
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