| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
080419
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| 2 |
ID:
022412
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| Publication |
2002.
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| Description |
69-86
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| Summary/Abstract |
Nuclear war between India and Pakistan would be an unimaginable humanitarian disaster. The amount of outside assistance necessary to alleviate human suffering and to manage nuclear fallout throughout the region would be staggering. Such a conflict would also have consequences well beyond the subcontinent. The nuclear taboo, which has been in place for over five decades, would be shattered. If one side prevails decisively, others may come to view nuclear weapons as ‘normal weapons’ that can be used successfully to achieve political goals. A nuclear war could lead to two failed states on the subcontinent, permanently traumatising societies and disrupting the broader geopolitical order in Asia. The remnants of nuclear infrastructure could then fall into the hands of rogue commanders or terrorists, raising the prospect of multiple, nuclear-armed Afghanistans. A new strategy to lessen these dangers carries risks, but the potential costs of inaction are much higher. If they fail to grapple with the problem, the United States and other leading states should not be surprised if nuclear deterrence in South Asia fails.
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| 3 |
ID:
102657
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| Publication |
London, Routeldge, 2009.
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| Description |
232p.
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| Series |
Case series - naval policy and history
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| Standard Number |
9780415454209, hbk
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 055836 | 359.030954/HOL 055836 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 4 |
ID:
133774
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
U.S. politicians often work the topic of oil import independence into their campaign rhetoric as an ideal that would help separate U.S. economic prosperity and military responsibility from the volatility of Middle Eastern politics. In theory, oil independence would mean that events such as the Iranian revolution or internal political unrest in key Arab oil producers would have much less direct impact on the flow of oil to the United States, and thus U.S. prosperity (even if, in a global market for oil, the price impact of any supply disruption is shared by all consuming countries). More importantly, intra-state conflicts such as the Iraq-Iran war or the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait would not necessarily require large-scale U.S. military involvement to ensure oil production and exports to the United States and its allies. This linkage between U.S. oil import dependence and military commitment to the Gulf region has given rise to a myth favored by policymakers, markets, and the public that if the United States could attain oil independence, we could also reduce our military responsibilities around the world. Recent and ongoing changes in both the oil sector and in political-military strategy are for the first time in forty years combining in a manner that is leading some to believe this story could come true.
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| 5 |
ID:
060785
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| 6 |
ID:
079768
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| 7 |
ID:
059947
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