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| 1 |
ID:
053497
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| 2 |
ID:
146992
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| Publication |
New York, Oxford University Press, 2016.
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| Description |
xii, 352p.hbk
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| Standard Number |
9782190228552
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 058769 | 324.251/DIC 058769 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 3 |
ID:
078578
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2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Does the Chinese Communist Party derive enough legitimacy from economic growth? Can a party-state survive by co-opting some potential challengers while repressing others? So far, the CCP has answered these questions in the affirmative. Yet the debate goes on. This year, as the party's Seventeenth Congress prepares to unveil a new Politburo (same as the old Politburo?), we asked four scholars to offer their latest thinking on the subject
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| 4 |
ID:
106722
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Political protests in China are a far cry from those that created the Arab Spring.
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| 5 |
ID:
149740
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Why do authoritarian regimes try to improve the quality of their governance? In the absence of democratic institutions to monitor, reward and punish their performance, authoritarian politicians are normally expected to seek their self-interest through corruption and rewards to cronies, rather than providing for the public welfare. However, the Chinese state has actively promoted improved governance in recent years, with greater attention to quality of life issues to balance the primary focus on sustaining rapid economic growth. This paper analyses intra-national variation in the provision of public goods in urban China and the impact of public goods on regime support. Does better governance lead to higher levels of public support for the regime, even in the absence of democratic elections? Our evidence suggests that it does, with a greater impact for the local level than for the centre.
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| 6 |
ID:
114586
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2012.
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With new leaders about to come to power in China, the ruling Communist Party is making significant changes to its development model. This article looks at three key trends: the promotion of "national champions" and "indigenous innovation" to create distinctive Chinese brands that can compete in foreign markets; an emphasis on more domestic consumption and less reliance on exports and infrastructure spending as the engine of growth; and experiments with various political reforms at the local level that are designed to help the Party govern better. Together, these changes constitute important differences from what has come to be known as the "China Model". What challenges does the Party face in this transition? What will be the political implications of these changes?
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| 7 |
ID:
150967
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China watchers are often obsessed with the prospects for regime change in that country. During the post-Mao period in China, the ruling Chinese Communist Party (CCP, or simply the Party) has liberalized its control over the economy while protecting its monopoly on political power. Although an increasingly market economy may seem incompatible with a Leninist political system, this is the combination China's leaders have pursued for almost four decades.
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| 8 |
ID:
107584
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| 9 |
ID:
153380
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By most accounts, nationalism in China is on the rise, as seen in both patriotic displays and anti-foreign protests. This article disaggregates two types of nationalism: patriotism and victimization derived from the ‘century of humiliations’. An original, nationwide public opinion survey of urban China shows that these two types of nationalism are derived from similar attributes and attitudes (causes) but have dissimilar impacts on views toward foreign countries (effects). In order to understand properly the causes of rising nationalism in China and its possible implications, observers must begin with the recognition that patriotism and anti-foreign sentiments are not simply two sides of the same coin, but two separate and distinct types of nationalism.
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| 10 |
ID:
131949
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2014.
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This article analyses trends in the Chinese Communist Party's recruitment strategy and the composition of Party members. Based on original survey data, it analyses the motives for joining the CCP, the consequences on career mobility, and the effects of Party membership on political beliefs and behaviour in contemporary China. These data reveal three key findings. First, for those who aspire to positions in the Party/government bureaucracy or SOEs, Party membership is a necessary, if not sufficient, condition; for those in the non-state sector, it is youth and college education that are the keys to top jobs, and not Party membership. Second, CCP members are more likely to donate time, money, and even blood, for various causes, and to vote in local people's congress elections. This behaviour demonstrates mobilized loyalty: the CCP mobilizes its members to participate in these activities to demonstrate their loyalty to the regime and to serve as examples to the rest of the population. Third, Party members are not more likely to support and trust their state institutions: while they do have higher levels of support for the centre than the rest of population generally, Party membership does not produce increased support for the local state. Nor does economic development: all else being equal, support for central and local party-state institutions is lower in the most developed cities. These findings call into question the Party's recruitment and development policies, as well as the conventional wisdom on the link between economic development and popular support for the status quo.
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