|
|
|
Sort Order |
|
|
|
Items / Page
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
098783
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2010.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
How have European state-makers managed to coordinate various key activities to the point where many of them see the European Union as providing a model for the rest of the world in general and Asia in particular? For example, most of Europe now shares a common market and a common currency. This was originally considered unthinkable. However, most European state-makers did surrender significant aspects of their sovereign power to make this happen. State-makers in the Asian region have not yet followed suit. This tells us something about their competing politico-strategic, economic and social concerns. Asian state-makers are nonetheless capable of sustaining their own form of regionalism. This tells us something about the different politico-cultural context in which they live. This context makes it possible to promote distinctly 'Asian' perspectives. It provides an Asian alternative to European regionalism and a way of compensating for the limits and distortions of the European Union.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 2 |
ID:
145138
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Political elites in both the Arab Gulf and Asia have, in recent history, cultivated narratives that seek to legitimize their respective alternatives to the Western liberal-democratic model of government. In the Gulf Arab countries, this has involved highlighting the benevolence of the state through national myths of monarchical exceptionalism, while ruling elites on the Eastern side of the continent have employed the Asian values hypothesis to great effect. In both regions, exceptionalist discourses have boosted elite legitimacy in the aftermath of the Cold War – often by co-opting subaltern themes from postcolonial discourses. This study posits that the similarities between the two regional discourses are significant and that the potential is high for a future ideological convergence between them. Through its analysis of the Asia-Middle East Dialogue (AMED) – a 2004 Singaporean initiative to foster greater interregional dialogue between Eastern and Western Asia – it identifies three discursive frames that mark the existing discourse between elites on the Eastern and Western ends of the Asian continent. Focusing on the implications that these three frames would have if further adopted in Gulf Arab elite discourse, it suggests that the opportunity for discursive synergies is high as the Gulf Arab states continue to “Asianize” in the coming years.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 3 |
ID:
153486
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The modern world's structure is not only explicitly pyramidal, but it is also very rigid. Only a few Second or Third world countries could make it into the First World after they had speedily modernized themselves. By accident or coincidence, all such countries happen to be in the Confucian cultural region. The most obvious example is the Republic of Korea, which in the early 1960s was behind Nigeria in terms of development but which by the beginning of the current economic crisis aspired to be among the top ten most developed countries. Singapore and Taiwan showed impressive economic growth rates, and now Vietnam and the Peoples Republic of China are following suit.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 4 |
ID:
078889
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2007.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
It is tempting to interpret Confucius as a Realist who believes in coercion as a means of achieving good governance. Parallels can readily be drawn between him and Machiavelli, with ren fusing with virtú to represent Confucius as obsessed with power and authority. Southeast Asian leaders compound the problem by misappropriating the Sage to justify their intolerance for dissent within the `Asian values' discourse. This article seeks to reveal a glimpse of Confucius that has been missing in IR literature: that of Confucius as a Constructivist. I argue that ren needs to be translated as honesty - a behavioural norm required of a responsible member of society. Applied to IR, ren not only espouses normative presumptions, but also a realisation of the crucial role played by intersubjectivity in social interactions. This article then uses `Confucian' Constructivism to critique `Asian values'.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 5 |
ID:
096600
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2010.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The Asian values debate has been long on speculative advocacy but short on empirical validation, with statistical tests emerging only lately. This study explores two questions: whether Asians indeed hold distinct cultural attitudes when compared with non-Asians and whether these cultural attitudes and beliefs identified as Asian values form coherent dimensions among Asians. The study first identifies four dimensions of Asian values based on a review of various Asian values discourses: familism, communalism, authority orientations, and work ethic. The findings from the empirical analysis based on multilevel models and factor analysis return mixed support for the Asian values hypothesis. Although East Asian respondents do exhibit strong work-related values compared with those from other regions, commitment to familial values and authoritarian orientations are actually lower among East Asians. Also, while preference for strong leadership and parental duty do turn out to form distinct sets of attitudes among South and Southeast Asians, the four dimensions do not constitute a clear value complex in the minds of East Asians.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 6 |
ID:
151202
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
In a world ripped with conflicting issues stemming from varying interests and pressing common concerns, the role of culture and tradition seems to have gained greater salience. At the core of Asia’s cultural assertiveness lies the concept on Asian values. Claimed to be rooted in Confucianism, the discourse appeals to the communitarian Asian tradition pitting it against the individualism of the West. While the use of the concept to explain the economic prosperity of East and Southeast Asia and as a counterforce to globalisation was thwarted by the Asian financial crisis, the belief that Asia and Asians subscribed to a value system fundamentally different from that of the West lingered on. This article seeks to analyse the contemporary relevance of the concept of Asian values and delve into its roots in an attempt to attune it to current realities.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 7 |
ID:
123027
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2013.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Scholars who believe that democratic leadership varies depending on culture often argue that because of the legacy of Confucian culture, East Asia favors directive leadership. However, based on our case study of South Korea during the Roh Moo-hyun presidency (2003-2008), we argue that democratic leadership varies depending on the political situation, regardless of the society's given cultural traditions. In a society, what we call "appropriate leadership" has more to do with political rather than cultural factors.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 8 |
ID:
090323
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2009.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
A resurgence in Hindu nationalism in India is accompanying a burgeoning interest in Indian spiritual values in global aspirational and management literature. This article traces the shift in understandings of the economic valency of Indian spiritual values outlining the popular relation of Hindu values to economic growth and management and leadership discourse and practice.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 9 |
ID:
098797
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2010.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This article investigates EU foreign policies regarding Human Rights with Asia. The perspective adopted here argues for a consideration of selected, social-constructivist, perspectives. The article emphasizes ideas, identities, values, educational exchange and human rights in EU policy towards Asia. Through a number of case studies, the article demonstrates that there is both an 'enabling' and an 'inhibitory' human rights dynamism in EU-Asia dialogue. The article suggests some ways of translating this into policies. It proposes a more inclusive, 'holistic', understanding of human rights discourse in East-West relations.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 10 |
ID:
101501
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2010.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
For a long time, especially through orientalist writings, Eastern or Asian political systems were seen as inherently authoritarian and as the antithesis of the West or Western political systems. Although there is some truth to this, there are aspects of Asian politics and culture which are very much in keeping with Western understandings of political liberalism and this paper tries to focus on some of these similarities. The paper tries to look into the question, 'Is there is a distinct style of Asian democracy'? The paper argues that there are aspects of Asian culture and politics which sit comfortably with Western notions of liberalism and other aspects which do not. However, for the aspects which do not, these have a lot to do with politicians using aspects of the Asian political tradition, like acceptance of hierarchy and respect for authority, to consolidate their own position when their power base lacks political legitimacy. Before making an assessment of the political systems in Asia, one also has to look at specificities and the particular historical, geographical and sociological context each country is grounded in. This paper has a special focus on South and East Asia and thus makes use of a comparative approach, whilst trying to answer its research question.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 11 |
ID:
175534
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This article aims to uncover the socially constructed normative foundation for the alternative East Asian economic development paradigm to neoliberalism in the context of civilisational politics. The question I seek to address is why East Asian states make value claims when promoting their alternative method of economic development. In addressing this question, I make two interrelated arguments. First, I argue that the politics of Asian values can be understood as another case of non-Western society's struggle to demonstrate multiple paths to modernity. Second, on a deeper level, I show that the discourse and narratives on Asian values is part of civilisation politics aimed to recalibrate the place of East Asia in a world consisting of the civilised and the uncivilised, a divide that still remains today in various forms following European expansion in the nineteenth century. In so doing, I shed light on the performative power of ‘the standard of civilisation’, which naturalises the temporal and sequential hierarchy of civilisational identities in world politics. On the basis of this article's findings, I draw out implications of a recalibrated East Asia for the ideas of hierarchy and progress in world politics.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 12 |
ID:
165874
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Escalating tensions in the Peninsula may force voluminous North Koreans to leave the country, although relevant information is limited. China has refused to grant North Korean escapees the refugee status, because the main reason of their departure, economic hardship, is not prescribed in conventional refugee definition. The Bangkok Principles provide principal guidance to Asia’s refugee issues, whereto its non-legally binding framework helps facilitate the fledgling regional efforts and still-developing states’ wills. Yet, China’s insistence in distinguishing economic hardship from political causes reifies its overt cautions to the rapidly evolving refugee causes, and an outright rejection to the indiscriminate humanitarian nature of refugee protection. Another reason is China’s ‘Asian Values’ approach to human right, seeing various aspects of human right as separable. To grant refugees only partial rights would appear theoretically unsound, and blatantly contradicting its integral human-right essence. Realistically, China has only limited refugee reception experiences. Its relevant domestic mechanism is under-developed, whereby positive public opinions cannot be effectively remoulded. China also worries about the unwanted international attentions and entailed geopolitical implications, which imply denunciation of Pyongyang’s governance performance by formally identifying these escapees, refugees. Current dramatic changes in inter-Korean relations urge China to take swift, expedient, and substantive actions.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 13 |
ID:
053662
|
|
|
| 14 |
ID:
160430
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This study aims to disentangle the empirical relationships between Asian values and attitudes toward freedom of expression in Asia. Findings from our multinational survey suggest no obvious relationship between Asian values and support for freedom of expression at the country level. At the individual level, the data suggest a positive relationship between Asian values and support for freedom of expression when Asian values are treated as a single concept.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|