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| 1 |
ID:
147417
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| Summary/Abstract |
Migration of any distance separates family members for long periods of time. In China, institutional legacies continue to privilege the migration of working-age individuals who often leave children and elders behind in the rural areas. Up to now, the literature has treated children and elders analogously, labeling each group as “left-behind.” We argue that analysis of elder stayers needs to be more nuanced, distinguishing among differing groups of elders. Of these groups, those living alone without any adult children in the village are most at risk, while those living with other non-migrant adult children are much less affected by migration. Another group of elders, clearly affected by migration, are those caring for their grandchildren while the children's parents have migrated. Members of this latter group need to be distinguished from those living alone as they are dissimilar in many fundamental ways (age, working status, marital status) and face a very different set of challenges from those left behind (perhaps frail) and alone.
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| 2 |
ID:
053777
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| 3 |
ID:
110073
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper investigates the role that children play in the migration decisions of Chinese women. The presence of children of various ages is hypothesized to affect the timing of migration, the length of migration, and the nature of migration in terms of who goes along. In addition, we also investigate whether the sex of the children affects migration decisions. Results indicate that whether one's husband ever migrated has a positive effect on migrating before childbirth. Return timing is strongly linked to the age of the child. Many mothers return to rural areas around the time that the child begins formal schooling. We also find that women who have given birth to a boy are significantly less likely to migrate after childbirth but more likely to take the boy with her if she does migrate.
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| 4 |
ID:
107485
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper considers economic models of migration in the context of current Chinese migration. We argue that using formally changing one's household registration (hukou) location is too narrow a definition of settlement for policy purposes. Instead we show that time in the city and co-residence with spouses and separately with children reveals systematic settlement behavior on the part of a subset of migrants. The empirical evidence offered is largely descriptive but shows that those migrants who were younger at the age of migration, who are currently married and self-employed spend more years in the city. Men who have been in the city longer and are self-employed are much more likely to be co-residing with their wife. Self-employment is also a predictor of co-residence with children for both mothers and fathers.
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