Srl | Item |
1 |
ID:
147693
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Summary/Abstract |
Recent developments in global politics and international relations theory have raised questions about the strength of international norms. Critical constructivists identify instances of norm change, contestation, and even regress, arguing that norms may be less deeply internalized and more fragile than often assumed. This study builds on contemporary constructivist scholarship to advance a model of elite-driven norm change with stages of redefinition and substitution through contestation. It conducts a plausibility probe of the model by analyzing the development of the Proliferation Security Initiative, the US-led program that appeared designed to change normative principles from non-proliferation to counter-proliferation and from freedom of navigation on the high seas to maritime interdiction of suspect weapons and technology shipments. The model lends valuable insights on the evolution of norms to accommodate new realities over the last decade, and it suggests the need for more contingent and multi-linear theories of international cooperation.
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2 |
ID:
071076
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3 |
ID:
076720
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Publication |
2006.
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Summary/Abstract |
Northeast Asia is a nuclear tinderbox that could easily be set off, given rising regional tensions, widespread nuclear power capabilities, and the absence of strong regional security institutions. Given this context, states need to identify and seek to prevent "trigger events" - circumstances that could stimulate proliferation cascades. While it is important to continue the current emphasis on strengthening supply-side constraints (such as the Proliferation Security Initiative), new efforts to address the demand side are sorely needed. These efforts should include shoring up currently weakened global nonproliferation norms, facilitating direct talks among states on issues of military concern, and renewing efforts to address underlying sources of regional conflict (historical problems, territorial disputes, and the still unresolved Korean War). While difficult, these new approaches offer the best chance of keeping two and a half nuclear states in Northeast Asia from becoming six.
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4 |
ID:
072879
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Publication |
2005.
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Summary/Abstract |
Some have argued that the transatlantic rancor over the Iraq war made cooperation, especially on nonproliferation, unlikely. In contrast, this article, documents post-invasion instances of nonproliferation cooperation, with particular emphasis on the Proliferation Security Initiative and the EU-3 Initiative-the British, French, and German negotiations with Iran over its suspected nuclear activities. In addition to documenting French and British participation in these initiatives, the article analyzes why they have chosen to participate and argues that France and Britain have participated in both efforts because they are committed to avoiding future Iraq-like preventive wars.
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5 |
ID:
078672
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Publication |
2007.
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Summary/Abstract |
The article considers why New Delhi has shied away from full participation in the US-led Proliferation Security Initiative despite compelling national interests in improving Indian maritime forces and cooperating with the United States at sea. Some factors examined are polarized domestic politics, Indians' ambivalence about non-proliferation arrangements that formerly targeted them, and New Delhi's desire for regional primacy. Until Indian leaders come to believe that the benefits of PSI participation outweigh its drawbacks, they will continue to hold the initiative at arm's length.
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6 |
ID:
089908
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Publication |
2009.
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Summary/Abstract |
The Proliferation Security Initiative (PSI) is emerging as a key anti-proliferation platform with a global reach. However, being a US-promoted initiative with a military dimension, the PSI is yet to gain a multilateral character and raises concerns among nations. While backing the further expansion of this initiative, President Barack Obama seeks its institutionalization and cooperative enhancement. India is exhorted to join this initiative as part of the strategic cooperation with the United States. However, India is yet to decide its approach towards the PSI owing to various concerns. This article deciphers the complexities associated with this initiative while also examining the scope for alternative anti-proliferation partnerships.
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7 |
ID:
077565
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8 |
ID:
129717
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Publication |
2014.
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Summary/Abstract |
This article attempts to make a realistic assessment of the danger of nuclear terrorism. While acknowledging the catastrophic consequences of an act of terrorism employing either an improvised nuclear device or a violent attack against a nuclear installation causing spread of lethal radioactivity, it also highlights the complexity of the challenges likely to be confronted by any would-be nuclear terrorist. The article concludes that while there is no room for complacency, and concerted efforts such as the NSS and other global initiatives like GICNT and ICSANT must continue to thwart any possibility of nuclear terrorism, the probability of such a disastrous event remains low.
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9 |
ID:
075465
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10 |
ID:
053793
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11 |
ID:
060785
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12 |
ID:
073420
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13 |
ID:
079768
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14 |
ID:
080285
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15 |
ID:
077460
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16 |
ID:
078898
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17 |
ID:
110843
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Publication |
2012.
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Summary/Abstract |
The Proliferation Security Initiative has been surrounded by questions and criticisms pertaining to its legality since its inception. However, after nearly a decade of existence and development, it appears now that the actions conducted pursuant to the PSI have, by and large, been consistent with the principles of flag state jurisdiction, the nonuse of force, and sovereign equality and have not substantially impeded states' maritime rights in the territorial sea, contiguous zone, exclusive economic zone, or on the high seas.
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18 |
ID:
076369
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19 |
ID:
163090
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Summary/Abstract |
Since 2003, the Proliferation Security Initiative (PSI) has grown from a small collection of like-minded states into a widely accepted, and increasingly institutionalized, counterproliferation effort. However, while the PSI has evolved, the literature around it has stagnated—and disserves ongoing debate by adopting a framework that is both ahistorical and binary. Building on the author’s 2007 paper, this article assesses the past 15 years’ critiques, and argues that the PSI paradoxically reinforces our prevailingly mare liberum regime at the same time that it challenges established navigational freedoms such as the right of innocent passage.
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20 |
ID:
058019
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