| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
111690
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Arab uprisings of 2011 are still unfolding, but we can already discern patterns of their effects on the Middle East region. This article offers a brief chronology of events, highlighting their inter-connections but also their very diverse origins, trajectories and outcomes. It discusses the economic and political grievances at the root of the uprisings and assesses the degree to which widespread popular mobilization can be attributed to pre-existing political, labour and civil society activism, and social media. It argues that the uprisings' success in overthrowing incumbent regimes depended on the latter's responses and relationships with the army and security services. The rebellions' inclusiveness or lack thereof was also a crucial factor. The article discusses the prospects of democracy in the Arab world following the 2011 events and finds that they are very mixed: while Tunisia, at one end, is on track to achieve positive political reform, Syria, Yemen and Libya are experiencing profound internal division and conflict. In Bahrain the uprising was repressed. In Egypt, which epitomizes many regional trends, change will be limited but, for that reason, possibly more long-lasting. Islamist movements did not lead the uprisings but will benefit from them politically even though, in the long run, political participation may lead to their decline. Finally, the article sketches the varied and ongoing geopolitical implications of the uprisings for Turkish, Iranian and Israeli interests and policies. It assesses Barack Obama's response to the 2011 events and suggests that, despite their profound significance for the politics of the region, they may not alter the main contours of US foreign policy in the Middle East in a major way.
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| 2 |
ID:
106540
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article will examine the dissident human rights document circulated in China under the title 'Charter 08' by comparison with the 4 June 1989 democracy movement as exercises of popular remonstrance. The document entitled 'Charter 08' juxtaposes continued deprivation of human rights in China with continued reliance on ineffective and corrupt institutions of the rule of law and concludes that China has many laws but lacks the rule of law. Charter 08 offers a series of principles and policy proposals for wide-ranging legal and political reform, from constitutional reforms to a proposal for a truth and reconciliation process that will confront the tragedies of China's political history and build a foundation for future unity. The 4 June democracy movement in Beijing and other cities in China centred on similar concerns around political and legal reform - particularly the need to curb corruption and build institutional restraints against abuse of power by officials. This article will examine similarities and differences between Charter 08 and 4 June as a way to further understanding of the potential legacy of Charter 08 in the discourse of political and legal reform in China.
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| 3 |
ID:
119662
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Sub-Saharan Africa's GDP has grown five percent a year since 2000 and is expected to grow even faster in the future. Although pessimists are quick to point out that this growth has followed increases in commodities prices, the success of recent political reforms and the increased openness of African societies give the region a good chance of sustaining its boom for years to come.
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| 4 |
ID:
119965
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| 5 |
ID:
111716
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| 6 |
ID:
109106
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| 7 |
ID:
093172
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| 8 |
ID:
132077
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article intends to fill a glaring void in the existing academic literature on the issues and challenges which stem not only from crafting, but also making asymmetric federalism work in northeast India. It examines the extent and limits to which asymmetric federalism-specifically under Article 371A of India's Constitution-not only negotiates Nagas' sovereignty claims over their land and resources and caters to the demands of democratic justice, but also the extent to which it consolidates India's state-nation and democracy building in its northeastern periphery. Contending that the extant asymmetric federal arrangement in India's polity stems from a centralist federal framework, the article makes a case for a more robust asymmetric federalism, which goes beyond this framework.
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| 9 |
ID:
064971
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| Publication |
London, Routledge, 2005.
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| Description |
vi, 141p.hbk
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| Standard Number |
0415348242
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 049915 | 956.953044/JON 049915 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 10 |
ID:
129320
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| 11 |
ID:
113905
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper identifies major trends in China in 2011 and analyzes their implications. The past year has witnessed a continuous rise of anger among social groups, as demonstrated in various forms of social protests. Chinese intellectuals are becoming increasingly politically conscious and calling for political reform. However, the leadership is trapped in the politics of power succession; uncertainty is widespread.
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| 12 |
ID:
117179
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| 13 |
ID:
176139
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| Summary/Abstract |
The policy orientations reflected in the fifth amendment to China’s constitution combine some elements of Maoism (an emphasis on ideology, the party, and personality cult); some of the constitutional formality of the Republican era (1912–1949), such as Sun Yat-sen’s Wuquan Xianfa (Five Powers Constitution); and some elements of the legal tradition of China’s imperial past. These policy orientations were justified by a Maoist philosophical voluntarism: the relative detachment between the “economic base” and the “superstructure” justified the persistence of the Chinese cultural tradition and the notion that political reform does not have to accompany economic reform. On those areas that do not represent an imminent threat to the regime, such as economics and law in general, the fifth amendment is purposely vague, to give the regime flexibility in policymaking.
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| 14 |
ID:
133709
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Arab monarchies remain relatively stable, largely unaffected by the 'Arab Spring' upheavals. In particular, the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan has emerged relatively unscathed from the region's uprisings. The Jordanian case helps underscore the extent to which the polarization between Palestinian-Jordanians and native Jordanians continues to dominate the nature of public debate and political reform. While initially the 'Arab Spring' generated a spirit of cooperation between these two communities with calls to tackle unemployment culminating in demands for democratization, the persisting schism between them resurfaced when public debates on electoral law commenced. This article analyses the roots and ramifications of the 'Arab Spring' in Jordan, as well as the resilience of the kingdom to the nascent social upheavals.
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| 15 |
ID:
127786
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
On 3 December 1979, almost one year after Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi left Iran, the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran replaced the monarchical constitution of 1906. The new constitution was to guarantee that the monarchy was abolished and the Islamic Republic system of government was enforced in its place. The constitution was to observe the Islamic and the nationalistic aims of the revolution with regard to the demands of a public that came from various social, religious, ethnic, and political backgrounds. Thus the 1979 constitution included differing components, which necessitated the amendments and the modifications that were added to the constitution in 1989. The constitution and its development are subjects that have been discussed in detail by scholars of modern Iran, among whom Asghar Schirazi stands out for his comprehensive study of the constitution. The following translation of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran highlights the relationship between the 1979 text of the constitution and the 1989 amendments in an attempt to contribute to the ongoing discussions on this subject.
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| 16 |
ID:
080897
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The article presents observations from a 2006 township election experiment in Ya'an Municipality, Sichuan Province. Gradual institutionalization of elections to Chinese village committees has for two decades fascinated those interested in social and political development in rural China. Elections at the next level-the townships-were seen by many, in China and outside, as a natural next step. For this reason, the election of a township mayor in Buyun in 1998 attracted considerable attention, but the official reaction was negative. The elections in Ya'an juxtaposed against this background are of considerable interest as they can be seen as a way of testing the direction and limits of future reforms. The Ya'an elections were not only for the mayor, but also for the entire township leadership, including the township Party secretary. However, the final selection was-as previously-made at higher politico-administrative levels with the voting results serving as just one input to the decision-making process. For this reason, these elections should be termed "consultative," and we suggest that such consultative elections can become an important tool in the party-state's cadre management.
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| 17 |
ID:
032548
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| Publication |
Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1971.
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| Description |
viii, 349p.Hbk
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| Series |
Soviet and East European Studies
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| Standard Number |
052182463
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 008385 | 943.7042/GOL 008385 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 18 |
ID:
096357
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| 19 |
ID:
100865
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| 20 |
ID:
118551
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