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| 1 |
ID:
142815
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| 2 |
ID:
129282
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
China has become more proactive in Macao affairs in response to the structural roots of corruption, the spillover of the criminal activities connected to Macao's casinos to the Mainland, and the public resentment to the social costs generated by the rapid development of Macao's casino-based economy. Through various implementation measures, Chinese leadership hopes to strengthen the oversight on the government, improve the communication between the government and the public, and groom the talents of all kinds through structural reform, economic development, and education. These implementation measures involve two lines of thought of Chinese leadership: concentration of Macao's political power in the executive branch and strengthening of Beijing's supremacy over Macao.
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| 3 |
ID:
109062
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| 4 |
ID:
152246
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Japanese domestic politics, foreign policy, economics and society continued along well-established paths in the year 2016. And long-term demographic trends remained a major unresolved challenge. Yet three exceptions to continuity stood out: first, controversial legislation that expanded the legality of collective self-defense; second, the likely collapse of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP); and third, the election of Donald Trump.
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| 5 |
ID:
141425
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The author examines the New Normality concept that China's leaders advanced in 2014. She looks at its principal sources and milestones leading to its finalization, and points to its specific characteristics that distinguish the Chinese interpretation of the New Normal from Western approaches to the assessment of postcrisis developments in the world economy.
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| 6 |
ID:
053924
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| 7 |
ID:
109064
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| 8 |
ID:
186218
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| Summary/Abstract |
To identify the macroeconomic environment that has enabled China's industrial upgrading during a period of persistent renminbi appreciation, we construct a two-country New Keynesian model of industrial upgrading with a global production network, endogenous firm entry, and a directed quality frontier. We show that renminbi appreciation promotes industrial upgrading without hurting real economic growth in the longer run. This holds true especially through four channels. First, the quality threshold for firm entry is lower to allow for more firms participation and thus greater product varieties (quality threshold channel). Second, upstream skill-based production uses more imported inputs of higher quality (imported input channel). Third, there is substantial global demand towards the exports of high-quality inputs (global demand channel). Fourth, domestic inputs are competing against imported inputs to broaden the scope for competition in the upstream product market to incentivize quality upgrading (scope for competition channel).
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| 9 |
ID:
107234
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This study reassesses the conventional wisdom surrounding the developmental state of South Korea (hereafter Korea) since the 1997 Korean financial crisis. The conventional wisdom is that, as a result of the continued structural reforms prompted by the crisis, the Korean developmental state, inherently characterised by active or direct state intervention, strong economic and industrial policies, the chaebol-oriented economic policy, and labour exclusion, has finally begun to dissolve in earnest. In this study, we have considered whether that is really the case and also which theoretical implications can be drawn from this consideration. Analysis of the Korean developmental state following the 1997 crisis has indicated that, quite contrary to conventional wisdom, the developmental state has continued to prevail as a core policy framework of the Korean administrations even after the crisis. There is no doubt that the continued structural and market reform after the crisis certainly undermined the Korean developmental state to a certain degree, but that does not mean the beginning of the end of the Korean developmental state at all. For much evidence strongly indicates that the Korean developmental state still remains intact and strong despite the structural reforms, on account of the successive Korean governments' assiduous and deliberate efforts to maintain and reinforce it. Even after the crisis, the Kim Dae-Jung and post-Kim regimes have hardly abandoned many of their market interventionist policies. Such market interventionist policies, which were routinely practised under the military regime in the 1960s and 1970s, diametrically contravene the argument that the Korean developmental state has begun to dissolve as a result of structural reform after the 1997 crisis. Contrary to conventional wisdom, the Korean developmental state persists as usual. All this information, then, suggests that path dependence is in action in the case of the Korean developmental state, and this suggests a further hypothesis that the Korean developmental state is very likely to persist in the future as well, despite increasing globalisation pressure, given the strong path dependence.
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| 10 |
ID:
106010
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2011.
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Since China's accession to the WTO in 2001, China has been on a steep learning curve in terms of engaging in outward direct investment, and state-owned enterprises (SOEs) have played a predominant role in this drive. We argue that investment overseas by SOEs is a double-edged sword as far as its impact on domestic reform is concerned. Investing overseas offers opportunities to deepen structural reform in China, but such investment could also strengthen the monopoly position of some SOEs, which is inconsistent with the objective of domestic reform. Therefore, it is important for China to deepen domestic reform with respect to competition, ownership and regulations, to maximize the benefits from investing overseas. The present paper also discusses how building market-compatible institutions will result in increased innovation. This provides opportunities for Chinese firms to effectively catch up with the advanced technologies to remain competitive in overseas markets.
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| 11 |
ID:
109061
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| 12 |
ID:
109063
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| 13 |
ID:
121051
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
American trade unions are a crucial segment of civil society that enriches our democracy. Union members are stewards of the public good, empowering the individual through collective action and solidarity. While union density has declined, the U.S. labor movement remains a substantial political and economic force. But the relentless attacks by the political right and its corporate allies could lead to an erosion of civic engagement, further economic inequality, and a political imbalance of power that can undermine society. The extreme assault on unions waged by Republicans in Wisconsin, Ohio, Michigan, and at a national level must be countered by a revitalized labor movement and by those who understand that unions are positive civil actors who bring together individuals who alone have little power. Unions need both structural reform and greater boldness; there are moments in which direct action and dramatic militancy can bring about positive social change. The current assault on labor can be rebuffed, and unions can expand their role as stewards for the public good and as defenders of efforts by the 99 percent to reduce inequality and protect democracy.
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| 14 |
ID:
119515
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| 15 |
ID:
123230
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| 16 |
ID:
141010
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| Summary/Abstract |
The history of Greece's relations with the European Union is a remarkable saga of human ambitions, cultural and personal collisions, clashes of social communities and political affiliations. The Greek crisis is important for Russia insomuch as it already affects, and will most probably continue to affect, the economy of Europe, which is Russia's leading trade partner. And for that reason, Tsipras' artistic somersaults should be of interest to many in Moscow, not only to his sympathizers.
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