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| 1 |
ID:
069939
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| 2 |
ID:
073049
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| 3 |
ID:
088356
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article analyzes the effects of household-level activity choices on farm household welfare in a developing country affected by mass violent armed conflict. The study uses household survey data from postwar Nampula and Cabo Delgado provinces in Northern Mozambique capturing many activity choices, including market participation, risk and activity diversification, cotton adoption, and social exchange, as well as income-and consumption-based measures of welfare. The study advances the literature on postwar coping and rural poverty at the micro level by estimating potentially endogenous activity choices and welfare outcomes using instrumental variables. The study finds that increasing the cultivated area and on-farm activities enhances postwar welfare of smallholders exploiting wartime survival techniques. Subsistence farming reduces income but does not affect consumption, while market participation has positive welfare effects. This suggests that postwar reconstruction policies should encourage the wartime crop mix but offer enhanced marketing opportunities for such crops. Cotton adoption, which was promoted by aid agencies in the postwar period, reduces household welfare per capita by between 16% and 31%, controlling for market access. This contradicts previous studies of postwar rural development that did not control for the war-related endogeneity. Hence, addressing the potential endogeneity of activity choices is important because the standard regression approach may lead to biased estimates of the impact of activity choice on welfare, which in turn may lead to biased policy advice. The article discusses and contextualizes these findings, concluding with a discussion of suitable pro-poor reconstruction policies for national governments and donors.
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| 4 |
ID:
116897
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
International Relations ( ir ) scholars and students are often presented with four (sometimes five) 'great debates' that characterise the 'state of the discipline'. However, Robert Cox's 1981 article in Millennium simplified the discussion into two binaries: problem-solving theory vs critical theory. While this configuration has been influential, it has inhibited the reflexivity, complexity, as well as the multidisciplinary nature of the discipline. This paper moves beyond this problematic simplification to construct a 'third way', which borrows from both rationalist and critical approaches to craft a somewhat distinct niche in ir theory. It calls for the dual goal of deconstruction and reconstruction. With this approach I seek to show the mutually constitutive synergies between knowledge/theory and practice, and to expatiate on the argument that theory is indeed always for someone and for some purpose, whether such normative underpinnings are latent or manifest.
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| 5 |
ID:
128232
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
There is no definitive, single-volume history of the Allied occupation and reconstruction of West Germany from 1945 to 1955. This is a significant and surprising lacuna in the literature on US and European history, international relations, and the rapidly growing field in reconstruction and stabilization operations. Scholars, historians, and policymakers need a comprehensive treatment of the German occupation. There is now an opportunity to fill that need. This bibliographic essay reviews the wealth of source material that has become available in recent decades. We can now synthesize primary sources and specialized scholarship to tell the story, for the first time, of how the Allies occupied and rebuilt the western part of Germany.
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| 6 |
ID:
124743
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Britain began to plan for the occupation and reconstruction of Germany following the end of the Second World War as early as 1944. However, such was the devastation as a result of intensive fighting that went all the way to Berlin that these plans were unsuited to the reality on the ground in May 1945. Christopher Knowles explores the first four years of 'benevolent occupation' in the British zone under the leadership of Field Marshal Montgomery and his successors, noting that positive effect was more likely where they created the conditions for the German people to act for themselves, rather than imposing solutions by force or decree.
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| 7 |
ID:
151400
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| Summary/Abstract |
Existing theory on counterinsurgency does not adequately explain persistent insurrection in face of the reconstruction work currently underway in Afghanistan and Iraq. We starkly depart from the literature by developing a simple model of reconstruction allowing misalignment of occupier spending with community preferences. Insurgency arises endogenously as a result of the mix of spending rather than its level. Occupier insistence on its preferred path of reconstruction may lead to fewer projects of any kind being completed. In equilibrium, the occupier may accept an endogenous insurgency to achieve a preferred project mix, or be constrained in its choice even when no insurgency occurs.
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| 8 |
ID:
163703
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| Summary/Abstract |
Based on fieldwork in Iran and Lebanon, this article compares the Iranian reconstruction and development organisation Construction Jihad with its Hizbullah-affiliated subsidiary in Lebanon. Beyond shedding light on Iranian and Lebanese history and politics, this comparison offers insight into the transnational diffusion of a development organisation by a state actor to its non-state or quasi-state ‘client’ in the Muslim and developing world. Despite the distinct environmental and operational conditions of Iran and Lebanon, Construction Jihad similarly assisted a nascent Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) and a fledgling Hizbullah with state-building. The latter consisted of consolidating coercive power against domestic and foreign opponents, increasing administrative capacity through service provision and post-war reconstruction, and strengthening the political and religious identity of citizens and constituents. Regardless of the differing contexts of Iran and Lebanon, Construction Jihad counter-intuitively possessed a similar organisational and developmental model in both countries that did not neatly conform to the dichotomous typologies in development studies. This seemingly contradictory model was largely faith based, exclusive, distributive and top down with certain decentralised, community driven and participatory elements.
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| 9 |
ID:
124877
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
India has, over the last decade or so, been a bit player in Afghanistan, and its influence on political developments there has been marginal. Accordingly, it has been on the fringes of international consultations on Afghanistan. It is not surprising, therefore, that its bitter opposition to talks with the Taliban was ignored. In comparison, Pakistan has been a much more important player and exercised far more influence than India at regional and international fora in the evolution of policies pertaining to Afghanistan. This is partially explicable by Pakistan's extensive border with Afghanistan, age old tribal links, deep rooted linkages with the Taliban, the Haqqani group and Al Qaeda, and a long and tortured history of incessant interference in that country. India's comparative lack of influence is due to the fact that though it has been proactive in bilateral diplomacy vis-à-vis the government of Afghanistan, it has been relatively inactive in reaching out to all shades of opinion in that country, maintaining close contacts with all key external players, and devising innovative and workable strategies for restoring peace and tranquillity in Afghanistan. It is time that India sheds its comparatively reticent posture on Afghanistan and becomes more involved on issues relating to developments there, as otherwise Pakistan will retain its dominant influence, which will obviously work to our detriment.
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| 10 |
ID:
102351
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In this article, I examine the challenges associated with the cooperation
between NATO and nongovernmental organizations in peacebuilding operations.
I argue that those challenges need to be understood as part of
a process of contestation and competition over the redefinition of the
"rules of the game" in the changing domain of peacebuilding. This
process of contestation, I suggest, can significantly undermine NATO's
ability to contribute to sustainable peacebuilding in war-torn countries.
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| 11 |
ID:
139196
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| Summary/Abstract |
Afghanistan was the first major test for US nation-building efforts in the twenty-first century. Previous analyses have identified many of the barriers that prevented the USA from engaging in effective infrastructure development, governance, security, counter-insurgency and counter-narcotics. Drawing upon interviews with senior US officials, this article offers an alternative account of the nation-building experience that highlights problems within the US government. Building on the assertions of Graham Allison, it focuses on the behaviour of the agencies and individuals within the US bureaucracy. It is argued that a lack of effective leadership permitted bureaucratic disorder between and within the military establishment, the State Department and the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). The conflict that was precipitated by this dissonance prevented the emergence of a cohesive nation-building strategy.
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| 12 |
ID:
120118
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article positions itself among the very rare microeconomic analyses on the consequences of civil war. Up to now, most analyses on this topic are based on household surveys. The originality of the present study is that it investigates for the first time the likely predominant route by which civil conflict affects the economy, specifically through firms. The context of the study is Sierra Leone, a country that was ravaged by violent conflict from 1991 to 2002. The approach is to use geographical variations in the intensity of conflict to estimate the impact of violence on firms, on which we have data from the World Bank 2007 Employers' Survey. The proposed theory is that during conflict, violence affects production through a form of technical regress and demand through a reduction in income. The persistent post-conflict effects are less obvious. We assume that war forces a prolonged contraction in output skills, which slows the pace of recovery. We termed this phenomenon "forgetting by not doing". The results confirm our theory: the size of firms in 2006 is negatively affected by the intensity of the war in the area it operates. The analysis of training needs clearly corroborates the long-lasting lack of skills experienced as a result of the war in areas where the conflict was more intense. Yet, the analysis cannot identify robust recovery patterns.
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| 13 |
ID:
185188
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| Summary/Abstract |
How does civil war affect citizen engagement with democracy? Civilians who live through warfare face numerous disruptions to everyday life that can have permanent effects on political engagement even after peace is achieved. This article analyzes the role of depressed living standards resulting from education loss during the Liberia Civil War as a case study of war-related deprivation. I argue that the negative effects of war on education and economic outcomes clash with the expectations that citizens have for postwar democracy, with adverse consequences for political participation. I demonstrate support for this argument using a mixed methods approach, combining qualitative interviews with census, voting, and Afrobarometer survey data. I leverage a difference-in-differences identification strategy to causally identify the negative impact of conflict on human capital for a generation of young adults, and on the downstream consequences of disruptions in education on political participation. Results indicate that children who were of school age during the civil war are differentially less likely to have any formal schooling by the end of the war. I further find that educational deficiencies disproportionately decrease postwar job prospects, breeding resentment against the newly elected government. This extends to political participation: those who lost out on educational opportunities due to war exhibit lower political engagement and less desire to engage with democratic processes.
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| 14 |
ID:
123381
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
India claims longstanding historical, cultural and civilizational links with Afghanistan. In recent times, India has increased its footprint in Afghanistan and has actively pursued reconstruction and development, capacity building, and training of Afghan security forces. Bilateral relations between the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan and the Republic of India have traditionally been strong and friendly. Whilst the Republic of India was the only South Asian country to recognise the Soviet-backed Democratic Republic of Afghanistan in the 1980s, its relations were diminished during the 1990s Afghan civil war and the Taliban government.
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| 15 |
ID:
123376
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Time is moving fast and 2014 is approaching near. Afghanistan is all set to witness a Presidential election and drawdown of foreign troops from its soil. Thus political and security transition in Afghanistan is going to be a significant event for regional and global peace and security. India has strengthened its ties with Afghanistan in post 9/11 period and provided enormous succour to Afghanistan in its reconstruction and development endeavours. Friendly India - Afghanistan relations ensure peace and stability in the region. The present paper analyses the post 2014 scenario and its implications for India and Afghanistan.
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| 16 |
ID:
085407
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Manohar, 1987.
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| Description |
v.1(xv,428p.)
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| Standard Number |
8185054347
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 028486 | 324.254/SIN 028486 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 17 |
ID:
124392
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Following World War II, Japan miraculously developed into an economic powerhouse and a model of energy efficiency among developed countries. This lasted more than 65 years until the Northeastern Japan earthquake and tsunami induced nuclear crisis of March 2011 brought Japan to an existential crossroads. Instead of implementing its plans to increase nuclear power generation capacity from thirty percent to fifty percent, Japan shut-down all fifty-four nuclear reactors for safety checks and stress-checks (two have since been restarted), resulting in reduced power generation during the summer of 2012. The reconstruction of Northeastern Japan approaches at a time when the world is grappling with a transition to sustainable energy technologies-one that will require substantial investment but one that would result in fundamental changes in infrastructure and energy efficiency.
Certain reconstruction methods can be inappropriate in the social, cultural and climatic context of disaster affected areas. Thus, how can practitioners employ sustainable reconstructions which better respond to local housing needs and availability of natural energy resources without a framework in place? This paper aims at sensitizing policy-makers and stakeholders involved in post disaster reconstruction by recognizing advantages of deploying sustainable energy technologies, to reduce dependence of vulnerable communities on external markets.
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| 18 |
ID:
122672
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The document "Capstone Concept
for Joint Operations" describes in
broad terms the vision of the then
Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of
Staff, Adm. Michael G. Mullen for
how the joint force circa 2016-2028
will operate in response to a wide
variety of security challenges. It
proposes that future joint force
commanders will combine and
subsequently adapt some combi-
nation of four basic categories of
military activity - combat, security,
engagement, and relief and recon-
struction - in accordance with the
unique requirements of each oper-
ational situation. The concept is
informed by last years, still current,
strategic guidance, but because it
looks to the future, it is intended to
be adaptable to changes in that
guidance.
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| 19 |
ID:
142473
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| Summary/Abstract |
With reference to anthropological approaches to state borders as processes, this paper examines ‘the border’ between Pakistan and Azad Kashmir through the window of reconstruction politics after the 2005 earthquake in Muzaffarabad, the capital of Azad Kashmir. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork, I analyse how ‘the border’ became inscribed into politics and power relations in Muzaffarabad through a locally contested ‘reconstruction bureaucracy’ which provided Pakistan with the means to dominate reconstruction in Azad Kashmir. Activists from Muzaffarabad politicised the delay of reconstruction by addressing Pakistan's interference in Azad Kashmir's affairs. Local politicisation of reconstruction, however, revealed contradictory effects of ‘the border’ on power relations in Muzaffarabad. From the activists’ perspectives, political boundaries between Pakistan and Azad Kashmir were characterised by domination as well as cooperation that undermined local concerns such as the reconstruction of Muzaffarabad. Thus, local activists also opposed ‘their’ government and transgressed ‘the border’ into Pakistan through the creation of alliances with national actors in order to put pressure on the government of Azad Kashmir. In taking advantage of power disparities between Pakistan and Azad Kashmir, these alliances, however, not only reproduced but also undermined the nation state's domination over the region by manipulating and circumventing the ‘reconstruction bureaucracy’.
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| 20 |
ID:
081051
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| Summary/Abstract |
From a management perspective, this article presents a process model to analyze cooperation between military and civilian actors in peace support operations. By means of multiple case study research, the article applies the model to eight partnerships between the Dutch Provincial Reconstruction Team and civilian actors (nongovernmental organizations, district governors, local constructors) in Baghlan, Afghanistan. These partnerships include explosives removal, power plant construction and police training courses. The article shows that civil-military cooperation processes follow six successive steps: decision to cooperate, partner selection, design, implementation, transfer of tasks and responsibilities, and evaluation. It is concluded that there is a lack of unambiguous and useful military guidelines regarding civil-military cooperation; the military are often unaware of other actors operating in the area and their programs, cooperation is frequently supply-based rather than demand-driven, and many military personnel involved in civil-military cooperation have little experience with and training in the subject
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