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| 1 |
ID:
054174
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| 2 |
ID:
144789
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| Summary/Abstract |
We model the perspective faced by nuclear powers involved in a supergame where nuclear deterrence is used to stabilise peace. This setting allows us to investigate the bearings of defensive weapons on the effectiveness of deterrence and peace stability, relying on one-shot optimal punishments. We find that the sustainability of peace is unaffected by defensive shields if the latter are symmetric across countries, while asymmetric endowments of such weapons have clear-cut destabilising consequences.
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| 3 |
ID:
092312
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In the Post-Bipolar Era the growing complexity of the military operations requires a new approach for the resolution of international crises. Since the end of the Cold War, peace support operations (PSO) have become the mainstay and principal occupation of most Western armies. At the same time, Italy has been one of the most important actors in such an area. The article focuses on the cooperation between military and civil components (a process called CIMIC) as a key variable in the Italian PSOs. We will analyse in detail the main lessons learned from past military interventions as well as the general context in which new tendencies are taking place. The maintaining of a minimum security frame becomes essential to fulfil activities 'collateral' to the mission: reconstructing services and infrastructure, food distribution, water and medication, law and order, de-mining, training of local forces, and supporting local institutions. These are the main tasks to obtain thrust and support from the population.
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| 4 |
ID:
079726
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| Publication |
2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Despite the risk of disastrous outcomes, time and again, advanced democracies have sent their soldiers abroad to dangerous places. They do so not out of necessity (i.e. self-defence), but choice (e.g. humanitarian intervention). What motivates political leaders to accept the risks of such actions? This heuristic study examines three diverse cases in which a medium-sized, advanced democracy, Italy, decided to deploy its troops abroad. It did so because it was both a way to foster its standing in world affairs and a deeply felt, 'moral' commitment to international law. This conclusion can probably be applied to several other democracies such as Germany, Canada or Sweden.
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| 5 |
ID:
077651
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| Publication |
London, Routledge, 2007.
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| Description |
xx, 230p.
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| Series |
Routledge advances in international relations and global politics
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| Standard Number |
9780415401852
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 052350 | 327.102854678/ERI 052350 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 6 |
ID:
191535
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| Summary/Abstract |
Taking as reference a cost-benefit analysis of cyberterrorism published in 2004 by Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, this article briefly reviews what happened in the last 15 years in cyberterrorism research, what was correctly forecast, what was wrong and what may happen in the future. Some of the analyses published in during this period have been accurate, indicating that terrorists would use the Web and then social media for supporting operations in financing, recruiting and, especially “propaganda” (information operations), instead of wasting resources in ineffectual cyberattacks against critical infrastructures. The same analyses, however, did not appreciate enough how successful information operations by terrorist groups would have been. Overall, the approach, research methods, findings and forecasting have been quite valid and fruitful and thus they can represent a solid foundation on which scholars of (cyber)terrorism may base their future research.
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