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1 |
ID:
083809
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2 |
ID:
086672
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Publication |
2009.
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Summary/Abstract |
In Asia as around the world, 2008 was a challenging year. On the one hand, it teemed with disasters, both man-made and natural, amid growing apprehension as the shock-waves of the American financial tsunami ricocheted throughout the region. On the other, guarded houe for renewal was inspired (for some) by the arrival of new political leadership.
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3 |
ID:
094467
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4 |
ID:
103618
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5 |
ID:
113902
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6 |
ID:
119085
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Publication |
2013.
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Summary/Abstract |
PERHAPS ONLY A TRUE BELIEVER in the alleged Mayan forecast of an end of
the world on December 21 could be truly enthusiastic about the past year.
Estimated economic (gross domestic product, or GDP) growth in Asia
dropped beginning in late 2011and continuing into 2012; the World Bank's
latest estimate forecast 7.2% for developing East Asia, the lowest rate for the
region since the 1997-98 Asian Financial Crisis. The economies of Central
and South Asia grew even more slowly. Politically the region was on tenterhooks as con?icting territorial claims, staunchly upheld by their respective
advocates since (at least) 2009, unleashed nationalist riots and escalating
bilateral brinkmanship. Meanwhile, the region's high-tech arms race against
unnamed threats continued, headlined by China's launch of its ?rst aircraft
carrier, the Liaoning(nee´ Varyag), and by North Korea's successful launch of
a satellite into polar orbit-although the so-called weather satellite apparently
failed to function, the obvious point was not weather but to demonstrate
Pyongyang's ability to hit North America with a nuclear payload. Pakistan,
albeit deeply immersed in Afghanistan's 10-year war on terror (reportedly on
both sides), is busy constructing a full-?edged nuclear deterrent-despite
a third year of devastating ?oods.
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7 |
ID:
137896
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Summary/Abstract |
THOUGH SOME MAY HAVE APPROACHED the centenary of the outbreak of World War One with a certain superstitious foreboding, 2014 in Asia was a pretty good year. As Xi Jinping put it in his May 21 address to the CICA (Conference on Interaction and Confidence Building Measures in Asia), ‘‘Asia today, though facing more risks and challenges, is still the most dynamic and promising region in the world.’’1 Economically, Asia remains the fastest growing region, averaging an estimated 6.1% GDP growth for the year, and the forecasting consensus predicts an even better next year. This is an impressive performance in the wake of the global 2009–13 slowdown and particularly the recent cooling of the Chinese locomotive. Politically, the headline for the year is democratic resilience, with relatively honest elections in Afghanistan, India, Bangladesh, Indonesia, and (jumping a few days into 2015) Sri Lanka. As for international security, on the other hand, it was a year of rising tensions: violent terrorist attacks in Afghanistan, Pakistan, Burma/Myanmar, India’s Assam, China’s Xinjiang; continuing confrontations over maritime boundaries in the South and East China Seas; and renewed fighting between India and Pakistan over Kashmir.
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8 |
ID:
145429
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9 |
ID:
152237
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10 |
ID:
160382
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11 |
ID:
164942
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12 |
ID:
130178
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Publication |
2014.
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Summary/Abstract |
Asia in 2013 Was Above all a year of ironies, a year of prosperity and growth accompanied by nationalist pensions an dressing dissatisfaction. It was also rebuilding year following a year of major transitions. Characteristically the targetofgreatnaturaldisasters,duringtheyearTyphoonHaiyanafflicted 6,000 fatalities on the Philippines while Sumatra's widen fire haze(the biggest in 15 years) be fogged Singaporean Malaysia. Yet, amid all these disconcerting changes, Asians s could take comfort in certain continuities.
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13 |
ID:
128739
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Publication |
2014.
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Summary/Abstract |
In this article I view Asian alliances as a product of universal security needs and culturally constructed variables. While the alliance remains one of the fundamentals of contemporary international politics, I attempt to show through comparative analysis of the Sino-Soviet alliance and the Japan-US security alliance how subtle differences of national developmental experience can significantly affect political outcomes in East Asia.
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14 |
ID:
085624
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Summary/Abstract |
The State Law and Order Protection Council (SLORC)
decided in 1989 (as decreed in the Adaptation of Expressions Law) that their country, heretofore referred to as Burma, was henceforth to be referred to (in English) as Myanmar, that Rangoon would be called Yangon, and so forth. The name Myanmar is taken from the literary form of the language, while the term Burma is derived from the spoken form (in Bamar, the language of the dominant ethnic group). Although the Burmese-language name of the country has included "Myanmar" since independence in 1948, some organizations, including Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD), prefer the spoken form "Burma" (which was also in use during the independence movement prior to 1948) and still use it in English. Because the political renaming came in the wake of the 1988 coup, this has given rise to a division between nominalists (those who consider names a matter of arbitrary convenience) and realists (those who think names mean
something).
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15 |
ID:
096770
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Publication |
London, Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2010.
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Description |
viii, 251p.
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Standard Number |
9781588267269
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
054995 | 337.5101724/DIT 054995 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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16 |
ID:
097408
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Publication |
Boulder, Lynne Rienner Publishers, Inc., 2010.
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Description |
viii, 251p.
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Standard Number |
9781588267269
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
055044 | 337.5101724/DIT 055044 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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17 |
ID:
140405
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Summary/Abstract |
CHINA’S MARITIME PERIPHERY OR ‘‘NEAR SEAS—the Yellow Sea, the East China Sea, and the South China Sea—are waters through which a great deal of vital commerce flows, as China, Japan, Korea, and numerous Southeast Asian countries are all major trading nations that import the energy and raw materials that sustain their thriving economies. Since 2009 the East and South China Seas have become increasingly fraught with tension. This has generally been attributed to rising Chinese assertiveness, but not because China has started making a lot of assertions it never made before. As the authors assembled here point out in replete detail, China’s explicit claims to the Diaoyu/Senkaku islets in the East China Sea date back at least to 1971, while it can trace its claim in the South China Sea back to the publication of the famous ‘‘nine-dashed line’’ map by the Nationalists in 1947 (at the time it contained eleven segmented lines; the victorious Communists subsequently dropped two).
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18 |
ID:
134763
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Summary/Abstract |
China’s Asian policy has changed significantly since the global financial crisis. Yet the argument here is that in essence, it has not changed. China’s ambition, as first articulated by Mao Zedong, was and has remained to achieve national greatness. Over time, the goal itself has become more focused on China’s own national interests and less on transforming the international order. The means to this end have always been flexible, depending on China’s growth in capabilities and on the opportunities offered by the international environment. In the first decades of the 21st century, China perceived a strategic opportunity to achieve major advances towards achieving this goal, focusing on its immediate regional environment. To do so, it has devised tactics shrewdly designed to do so without precipitating a confrontation with the United States or impinging on its core interests. This “new course” in Chinese foreign policy, addressed primarily to the Asian neighbourhood, was confirmed with mostly cosmetic adjustments in the 2012–13 transition to the fifth generation of the Communist Party of China (CCP) leadership and seems likely to remain in effect for the foreseeable future. The implications of this new Asia policy have already achieved modest success and more importantly no convincing defence has yet been devised.
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19 |
ID:
033784
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Publication |
Berkeley, University of California Press, 1987.
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Description |
xv, 320p.hbk
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Standard Number |
0520056566
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
032117 | 951.05/DIT 032117 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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20 |
ID:
058957
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Publication |
Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2000.
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Description |
xi, 330p.
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Standard Number |
0521645387
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
049196 | 306.2095/DIT 049196 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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